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John F. Kennedy, the first
Catholic President of the United States, inaugurated a new era in the
history of American Catholicism. The same could be said for the second Catholic
president, Joe Biden, but under a very different mood and in a different
direction.
Kennedy’s presidency and its tragic,
martyr-like end elevated a “poor Catholic” (in the words of his wife, Jackie) to
the status of a quasi-saint in our collective imagination and signaled the arrival of the church in the center of American politics, culture, and society — no longer a
church of poor immigrants. Biden’s presidency also ends in a tragic way — with
his defeat by the convicted felon and attempted coup plotter Donald Trump — but
also in a way much more banal: Biden aged out. The U.S. Constitution does not have the provision and the wisdom of the laws of the Catholic Church that says that at 75, you must present your resignation as a bishop (and at 80, as a cardinal, you are no longer eligible to vote for the next pope).
Kennedy helped lead Catholics into a new
era: an alignment between post-World War II America and the church of Vatican
II — at least from a sociological and cultural point of view, less from a
theological one. In the church, when Kennedy was assassinated, there was a newly
elected and relatively young pope, Paul VI, whose firm intention was to lead Vatican II into
port, and he accomplished that. There was a plan for the future of the church,
and American Catholics were a key part of it. Now, Catholicism in the United States is not
just polarized at the ballot box but also deeply divided from a religious and
ecclesial point of view: at the altar, in the schools and universities, in a
state of mutual, virtual excommunication.
Growing divide between the church and American politics
President Biden’s
decision, announced January 11, to award Pope Francis the “Medal of Freedom”, the highest U.S. civilian honor, cannot conceal the widening gap between this pontificate and American politics — not only, as was the case in 2013, with the traditionalist and neo-conservative Catholic right, but also with the progressive and liberal left (due to the radicalism of the Democratic Party on abortion and the bipartisan support for an Israeli government accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza). Notwithstanding the strong personal connection between Francis and
Biden, U.S. liberals and progressives (Catholics and others) needed Pope Francis
much more than Francis needed them. But American progressives’ embrace of Pope Francis’ signals on LGBTQ Catholics and teaching on the environment and immigration was no substitute for what has been missing in these years — a moral
vision of the future of the country that was not just an opposition to Trump.
Compared to 60 years ago, the presidency of the second Catholic
in the White House ends with both America as a country and the Barque of Peter in
the United States in much less safe
waters and without a map. One of the greatest contributions of American
Catholicism to the development of doctrine in the 20th century and
especially to the role of the church in the public square was the theology of
religious liberty and constitutional democracy. With the re-election of
Trump, also thanks to U.S. Catholic votes, it is not clear what will be
the contribution of American Catholicism to the fight for the survival of
democracy in the United States and around the world. Even if one accepts the idea that
the United States was the bastion of democratic ideals in the world, it’s not
clear what will be the role of Catholics and on which side they will be found. The problem now is how to keep the contagion of this slow death of democracy
away from Europe and the rest of the world.
“The role of U.S. Catholicism as the leading ecclesial and theological hub for the path of the church in political modernity might be over.”
The role of U.S. Catholicism as the leading
ecclesial and theological hub for the path of the church in political modernity
might be over. There are reactionary, authoritarian, and outright neo-fascist
voices. But the real novelty is the emerging forces within U.S. Catholicism that are
converging around post-liberal ideals, or a neo-Thomistic revival, or
small-community projects, in a prudent retreat or sometimes angry rejection of
the vision of Vatican II and Pope Francis’ worldview of “Fratelli tutti.” Rebuilding a relationship between competing American political philosophies
and Catholicism is one of the Herculean tasks before the new archbishop of
Washington, Cardinal Robert McElroy, appointed by Pope Francis on January 6. McElroy is a
scholar of the relations between US politics and Catholicism. His PhD
dissertation from Stanford was on morality and U.S. foreign policy; the thesis of his
doctorate in moral theology from the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome was on
the Jesuit US theologian John Courtney Murray and American political
philosophy, which he published as an important book in 1989.
He is the most notable
thinker among U.S. bishops today, and his appointment could be the harbinger of a
new season in Pope Francis’ efforts to reshape the U.S. episcopate.
A troubling future for American Catholicism and democracy
The re-election of Trump is not just a political defeat but also
the consequence of a theological and cultural downfall. Moving Cardinal McElroy from San Diego to the
nation’s capital is much more than just a response of
the Vatican to the new Trump administration. It must be seen as a step in the
long march to rebuild American Catholicism around a center —not a political
center located ideologically somewhere between the two aisles — but a moral and
spiritual one.
“The re-election of Trump is not just a political defeat, but also the consequence of a theological and cultural downfall.”
On the right side of the spectrum, there are leading US Catholic
intellectuals who are opposed to Vatican II’s embrace of constitutional
democracy and despise many of Pope Francis’ teachings. Social media bishops and
Catholic influencers meet the demands of the market and therefore offer their
platforms to these voices: to be sure, they are more visible than the institutional
channels of church authority. The constitutional agnosticism of the US bishops’
conference in the last few years, and especially after the attempted coup of January
6, 2021, has offered a most stunning profile in cowardice: as New York Times
columnist Ezra Klein wrote recently, “democracy degrades through deal-making —
a procession of pragmatic transactions between those who have power and those
who want it or fear it.”
On the left, the sectarianism of “identity politics” makes it impossible to understand that the effort to rebuild a viable center of gravity in U.S. Catholicism requires a cautious but courageous ideological promiscuity—dialoging also with voices that do not exactly correspond to the profile of the progressive-liberal Catholic. The alignment of leftist academic theology, focused in a monothematic way on social issues, with today’s Democratic Party has led Catholic thought into the same ideological no man’s land in which the party of Joe Biden finds itself now.
On January 20, 2025, the United States and U.S. Catholicism will enter a new, dangerous territory. Much will depend on the ecclesiastical and Vatican
politics of the new administration. We have an idea of what Donald Trump and
his vice president, JD Vance (a Catholic), have done and intend to do to the
body and soul of America. What the U.S. Church has to say to America and the world today is much less clear.
Massimo Faggioli @MassimoFaggioli