Your cart is currently empty!
Tag: Jewish
Opinion | Israel Is Meant to Be Jewish and Democratic. It Cannot Be Both.
In today’s Washington, which seethes with partisan acrimony, Democrats and Republicans at least agree on this: Israel has a right to exist. This right has been affirmed by the Republican House speaker, Mike Johnson, and his Democratic antagonist, the House minority leader, Hakeem Jeffries; by the Biden administration’s secretary of state, Antony Blinken, and his Republican successor, Marco Rubio; by Donald Trump’s new secretary of defense, Pete Hegseth, and by the Senate Democratic leader, Chuck Schumer. In 2023, the House affirmed Israel’s right to exist by a vote of 412-1.
This is not the way Washington politicians generally talk about other countries. They usually start with the rights of individuals, and then ask how well a given state represents the people under its control. If America’s leaders prioritized the lives of all those who live between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, it would become clear that asking if Israel has a right to exist is the wrong question. The better question is: Does Israel, as a Jewish state, adequately protect the rights of all the individuals under its dominion?
The answer is no.
Consider this scenario: If Scotland legally seceded, or Britons abolished the monarchy, the United Kingdom would no longer be united nor a kingdom. Britain as we know it would cease to exist. A different state would replace it. Mr. Rubio, Mr. Schumer and their colleagues would accept this transformation as legitimate because they believe that states should be based on the consent of the governed.
America’s leaders make this point most emphatically when discussing America’s foes. They often call for replacing oppressive regimes with states that better meet liberal democratic norms. In 2017, John Bolton, who later became a national security adviser in the first Trump administration, argued that “the declared policy of the United States should be the overthrow of the mullahs’ regime in Tehran.” In 2020, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called the People’s Republic of China a “Marxist-Leninist regime” with a “bankrupt totalitarian ideology.”These U.S. officials were urging these countries not just to replace one particular leader but to change their political system — thus, in essence, reconstituting the state. In the case of the People’s Republic of China, which signifies Communist Party dominance, or the Islamic Republic of Iran, which denotes clerical rule, this would most likely require changing the country’s official name.
In 2020, Secretary Pompeo declared in a speech that America’s founders believed that “government exists not to diminish or cancel the individual’s rights at the whims of those in power, but to secure them.” Do states that deny individual rights have a “right to exist” in their current form? The implication of Mr. Pompeo’s words is that they do not.
What if we talked about Israel that way? Roughly half the people under Israeli control are Palestinian. Most of those — the residents of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip — cannot become citizens of the state that wields life-or-death power over them. Israel wielded this power in Gaza even before Hamas invaded on Oct. 7, 2023, since it controlled the Strip’s airspace, coastline, population registry and most of its land crossings, thus turning Gaza into what Human Rights Watch called “an open-air prison.”
Even the minority of Palestinians under Israeli control who hold Israeli citizenship — sometimes called “Israeli Arabs” — lack legal equality. The Jewish National Fund, which has stated that its obligations are “to the Jewish people” and that it does not work “for the benefit of all citizens of the state,” holds almost half the seats on the governmental body that allocates most of Israel’s land.
Last month, Mr. Blinken promised that the United States would help Syrians build an “inclusive, nonsectarian” state. The Israel that exists today manifestly fails that test.
Still, for most of the leaders of the organized American Jewish community, a nonsectarian and inclusive country on this land is unthinkable. Jews are rightly outraged when Iranian leaders call for wiping Israel off the map. But there is a crucial difference between a state ceasing to exist because it is invaded by its neighbors and a state ceasing to exist because it adopts a more representative form of government.
American Jewish leaders don’t just insist on Israel’s right to exist. They insist on its right to exist as a Jewish state. They cling to the idea that it can be both Jewish and democratic despite the basic contradiction between legal supremacy for one ethno-religious group and the democratic principle of equality under the law.
The belief that a Jewish state has unconditional value — irrespective of its impact on the people who live within it — isn’t contrary just to the way America’s leaders talk about other countries. It’s also contrary to Jewish tradition. Jewish tradition does not view states as possessing rights, but views them with deep suspicion. In the Bible, the Israelite elders ask the Prophet Samuel to appoint a king to rule over them. God tells Samuel to grant the elders’ wish but also warn that their ruler will commit terrible abuses. “The day will come,” Samuel tells them, “when you cry out because of the king whom you yourselves have chosen.”
The implication is clear: Kingdoms — or, in modern parlance, states — are not sacrosanct. They are mere instruments, which can either protect life or destroy it. “I emphatically deny that a state might have any intrinsic value at all,” wrote the Orthodox Israeli social critic Yeshayahu Leibowitz in 1975. Mr. Leibowitz was not an anarchist. But, though he considered himself a Zionist, he insisted that states — including the Jewish one — be judged on their treatment of the human beings under their control. States don’t have a right to exist. People do.
Some of the Bible’s greatest heroes — Moses and Mordechai among others — risk their lives by refusing to treat despotic rulers as divine. In refusing to worship state power, they reject idolatry, a prohibition so central to Judaism that, in the Talmud, Rabbi Yochanan called it the very definition of being a Jew.
Today, however, this form of idolatry — worship of the state — seems to suffuse mainstream American Jewish life. It is dangerous to venerate any political entity. But it’s especially dangerous to venerate one that classifies people as legal superiors or inferiors based on their tribe. When America’s most influential Jewish groups, like American leaders, insist again and again that Israel has a right to exist, they are effectively saying there is nothing Israel can do — no amount of harm it can inflict upon the people within its domain — that would require rethinking the character of the state.
They have done so even as Israel’s human-rights abuses have grown ever more blatant. For almost 16 years, since Benjamin Netanyahu returned to power in 2009, Israel has been ruled by leaders who boast about preventing Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from establishing their own country, thus consigning them to live as permanent noncitizens, without basic rights, under Israeli rule. In 2021, Israel’s own leading human rights organization, B’Tselem, charged Israel with practicing apartheid. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported more attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem in 2024 than in any year since it began keeping track almost 20 years ago.
Yet American Jewish leaders — and American politicians — continue to insist it is illegitimate, even antisemitic, to question the validity of a Jewish state. We have made Israel our altar. Mr. Leibowitz’s fear has come true: “When nation, country and state are presented as absolute values, anything goes.”
American Jewish leaders often say a Jewish state is essential to protecting Jewish lives. Jews cannot be safe unless Jews rule. I understand why many American Jews, who as a general rule believe that states should not discriminate based on religion, ethnicity or race, make an exception for Israel. It’s a response to our traumatic history as a people. But global antisemitism notwithstanding, diaspora Jews — who stake our safety on the principle of legal equality — are far safer than Jews in Israel.
This is not a coincidence. Countries in which everyone has a voice in government tend to be safer for everyone. A 2010 study of 146 instances of ethnic conflict around the world since World War II found that ethnic groups that were excluded from state power were three times more likely to take up arms as those that enjoyed representation in government.
You can see this dynamic even in Israel itself. Every day, Israeli Jews place themselves in Palestinian hands when they’re at their most vulnerable: on the operating table. Palestinian citizens of Israel make up about 20 percent of its doctors, 30 percent of its nurses and 60 percent of its pharmacists.
Why do Israeli Jews find Palestinian citizens so much less threatening than Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza? In large measure, because Palestinian citizens can vote in Israeli elections. So, although they face severe discrimination, they at least have some peaceful and lawful methods for making their voices heard. Compare that with Palestinians in Gaza, or the West Bank, who have no legal way to influence the state that bombs and imprisons them.
When you deny people basic rights, you subject them to tremendous violence. And, sooner or later, that violence endangers everyone. In 1956, a 3-year-old named Ziyad al-Nakhalah saw Israeli soldiers murder his father in the Gazan city of Khan Younis. Almost 70 years later, he heads Hamas’s smaller but equally militant rival, Islamic Jihad.
On Oct. 7, Hamas and Islamic Jihad fighters killed about 1,200 people in Israel and abducted about 240 others. Israel has responded to that massacre with an assault on Gaza that the British medical journal The Lancet estimates has killed more than 60,000 people, and destroyed most of the Strip’s hospitals, schools and agriculture. Gaza’s destruction serves as a horrifying illustration of Israel’s failure to protect the lives and dignity of all the people who fall under its authority.
The failure to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza ultimately endangers Jews. In this war, Israel has already killed more than one hundred times as many Palestinians in Gaza as it did in the massacre that took the life of Mr. al-Nakhalah’s father. How many 3-year-olds will still be seeking revenge seven decades from now?
As Ami Ayalon, the former head of Shin Bet, Israel’s domestic security service, warned even before the current war in Gaza, “If we continue to dish out humiliation and despair, the popularity of Hamas will grow. And if we manage to push Hamas from power, we’ll get Al Qaeda. And after Al Qaeda, ISIS, and after ISIS, God only knows.”
Yet in the name of Jewish safety, American Jewish organizations appear to countenance virtually anything Israel does to Palestinians, even a war that both Amnesty International and the eminent Israeli-born Holocaust scholar Omer Bartov now consider genocide. What Jewish leaders and American politicians can’t countenance is equality between Palestinians and Jews — because that would violate Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state.
Peter Beinart (@PeterBeinart) is a contributing Opinion writer, a professor at the Newmark School of Journalism at the City University of New York, an editor at large of Jewish Currents and the writer of The Beinart Notebook, a weekly newsletter. This essay is adapted from his forthcoming book “Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza.”
Opinion | Israel Is Meant to Be Jewish and Democratic. It Cannot Be Both.The ongoing conflict in Israel between the Jewish majority and the Palestinian minority has raised important questions about the country’s identity as a Jewish and democratic state. The Israeli government has long claimed to be both a Jewish state and a democratic one, but recent events have shown that these two ideals are fundamentally incompatible.
The Jewish character of Israel is enshrined in its founding documents and laws, which prioritize the rights and interests of Jewish citizens over those of non-Jews. This has led to discrimination and marginalization of the Palestinian population, who make up around 20% of the country’s population. In order to maintain its Jewish majority, Israel has implemented policies that restrict the rights of Palestinians, including land confiscation, restrictions on movement, and unequal access to resources and services.
At the same time, Israel prides itself on being a democracy, with free and fair elections, a vibrant civil society, and a robust system of checks and balances. However, the treatment of Palestinians within Israel and in the occupied territories undermines the country’s democratic credentials. Palestinians face systemic discrimination in all areas of life, from housing and education to employment and political participation. This has led to widespread protests and calls for reform both within Israel and internationally.
It is clear that Israel cannot continue to claim to be both Jewish and democratic while denying equal rights and opportunities to its Palestinian citizens. In order to truly live up to its democratic ideals, Israel must ensure equality for all its citizens, regardless of their religion or ethnicity. This may require difficult compromises and a reevaluation of long-standing policies, but it is essential for the country’s long-term stability and prosperity.
Ultimately, the future of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state depends on its ability to reconcile these two seemingly contradictory identities. It is time for Israel to choose whether it wants to remain a Jewish state at the expense of its democratic values, or to embrace true democracy and equality for all its citizens, regardless of their background. Only then can Israel truly fulfill its promise as a homeland for all its inhabitants.
Tags:
Israel, Jewish state, democracy, Middle East conflict, Israeli politics, religious identity, Israeli government, Jewish identity, two-state solution, political debate
#Opinion #Israel #Meant #Jewish #DemocraticReckoning with Jewish Supremacy and White Supremacy: A Conversation…
What do we do when the stories we’ve told ourselves turn out to be lies? When we realize that they’ve contributed to domination and blinded us to suffering? In the face of communal hypocrisy, how can we imagine new stories of who we are and who we might become?
Jewish Currents is honored to host a conversation between two leading thinkers whose work is guided by these questions: Ta-Nehisi Coates and Peter Beinart. In his recent book The Message, Coates explores how American politics and media shape narratives that obscure realities of injustice—from histories that erase the United States’ legacy of white supremacy to a vision of Israel that denies the regime of apartheid under which Palestinians live. And in Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza, Beinart asks how the American Jewish community, which prides itself on a commitment to social justice, has managed to justify such blatant brutality.
Join us for a discussion about how we can begin to reckon with these stories and their terrible consequences—and tell new ones together.
Tickets to this in-person event are free for Jewish Currents members. Non-member tickets are available for a suggested donation of $9. Not in New York, or unable to attend in-person? Get a virtual ticket: free for members, or a suggested donation of $9 for non-members.
We hope you’ll join Peter Beinart and Ta-Nehisi Coates for this special evening. Registration is required and seats are limited. Get your ticket now to guarantee your spot!
Reckoning with Jewish Supremacy and White Supremacy: A ConversationIn recent years, discussions around issues of supremacy and privilege have become more prevalent in our society. While conversations around white supremacy have been ongoing for decades, the topic of Jewish supremacy has often been overlooked or misunderstood.
In this post, we aim to delve into the complexities of both Jewish and white supremacy, exploring how these ideologies manifest in different ways and the impact they have on marginalized communities.
We will discuss the historical roots of white supremacy and Jewish supremacy, examining the ways in which these ideologies have been perpetuated through systemic racism and discrimination. We will also explore the intersections between these two forms of supremacy, considering how they reinforce each other and contribute to the oppression of minority groups.
Through this conversation, we hope to shed light on the ways in which Jewish supremacy and white supremacy intersect and perpetuate harmful ideologies. We also aim to challenge ourselves and our readers to reckon with our own privileges and biases, and to actively work towards dismantling systems of oppression in our society.
Join us as we navigate this complex and important conversation, and strive towards a more just and equitable future for all.
Tags:
- Jewish supremacy
- White supremacy
- Racism
- Anti-Semitism
- Social justice
- Intersectionality
- Identity politics
- Privilege
- Systemic discrimination
- Critical race theory
#Reckoning #Jewish #Supremacy #White #Supremacy #Conversation
Reviewing ‘Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza’ by Peter Beinart – Israel News
Peter Beinart’s purpose in writing Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza: A Reckoning is encapsulated in its title.
In a foreword, he explains to someone he describes as a “former friend” (former, because they have diverged so sharply in their views) why he rejected the idea of calling his book “Being Jewish after October 7”. It was not, he writes, because he minimizes the horror of that day. He chose his title, he explains, “because I worry you don’t grapple sufficiently with the terror of the days that followed, and preceded it as well.” In short, he believes mainstream Israeli opinion is unbalanced as regards the rights and wrongs of the Gaza conflict, and his aim is to redress the perspective he sees as mistaken.
Beinart is a prominent left-wing American columnist, journalist, and political commentator. Born and raised in an Orthodox Jewish family, Beinart began as an ardent liberal Zionist but slowly moved toward an increasingly extreme left-wing position. Finally, in July 2020, in an article in The New York Times, he renounced Zionism entirely and declared himself in favor of a unitary Arab-Jewish state in place of Israel.
In this new book, he writes, “When I enter a synagogue I am no longer sure who will extend their hand and who will look away.” He sounds genuinely mystified, if perhaps somewhat disingenuous when he writes: “How does someone like me, who still considers himself a Jewish loyalist, end up being cursed on the street?”
THE ANSWER lies partly in the pages of his new book, where one of his most contentious claims is a call to reimagine Zionism. He believes the movement is at odds with democratic principles and Jewish ethics. He suggests that it perpetuates injustice by prioritizing Jewish self-determination over Palestinian rights.
Palestinian Hamas militants take part in an anti-Israel rally in Gaza City May 22, 2021 (credit: REUTERS/MOHAMMED SALEM) This blinkered understanding of the movement pays no regard to the absolute need for Zionism in the early 20th century as a response to millennia of statelessness and the continued persecution of the Jewish people. So urgent did the need for a Jewish homeland become that at one point Theodor Herzl and other Zionist leaders toyed with the idea of siting it in Africa, Argentina, anywhere – a short-lived diversion from Zionism’s historic purpose, perhaps, but it demonstrates that at the time the alleviation of Jewish suffering outweighed any other consideration.
In short, Beinart entirely fails to appreciate that the establishment of Israel was not a political demonstration of Jewish colonial arrogance but a lifeline for Jews fleeing constant pogroms, widespread discrimination, and finally the aftermath of the Holocaust. For many Jews, Zionism represents the affirmation of their right to exist in a hostile world and determine their own future.
Beinart, who believes that the State of Israel should be absorbed into some democratic Arab-Jewish entity, also disregards the historical validation for Israel’s existence.
A Jewish homeland in the region then known as Palestine was affirmed in a unanimous vote by the League of Nations in 1922, recommended by the Peel Commission in 1937, and further endorsed by the UN in 1947. In acknowledging that it was rejected by Arab leaders, Beinart ascribes the most nefarious motives to David Ben-Gurion and the Israeli leadership at the time of the Declaration of Independence, going so far as to suggest that Israel pre-planned a mass ethnic cleansing to ensure that the State of Israel, when founded, had at least 80% Jewish population.
His central thesis is that Jewish support for Israel’s military actions in Gaza is based on flawed ideas lodged within the Jewish narrative – the twin concepts of Jewish victimhood and Jewish supremacy. While Jewish history does indeed include episodes of both persecution and resilience, they are the lived experiences of a people who have faced repeated existential threats. He fails to appreciate that these experiences have a reality that far outweighs their being used as instruments to justify Israeli policies.
BEINART HAS, for example, nothing to say about the Hebron massacre in 1929, master-minded by Haj Amin al-Husseini, the then-mufti of Jerusalem. An ardent Nazi, Husseini spent much of World War II in Berlin where he liaised with Hitler about extending his Final Solution to the Middle East.
For the author to dismiss the fears of Jewish communities as outdated or exaggerated undermines their lived reality. In Israel, October 7 and the random suicide bombings and civilian deaths during the two Intifadas are only too vividly remembered. Worldwide, Jews are currently acutely aware of rising antisemitism and threats to their safety.
He gives full weight to the suffering of Gazans, which is undeniable and tragic, but in writing about Israel’s actions in relation to it, he minimizes or omits the context that makes them valid.
For instance, he says little about the malign role of Hamas, whose brutal pogrom and seizure of hostages on October 7 were in themselves international crimes.
He even goes so far as to justify Hamas’s strategy of embedding itself within the civilian structure of the Gazan population, rejecting the claim that this is using them as human shields. “Under international law,” he writes, “using civilians as human shields… doesn’t mean fighting in an area that just happens to have civilians around [which] Hamas certainly does… It fights from within Gaza’s population and thus puts civilians at risk. But that’s typical of insurgent groups.”
BEINART IS strangely silent about Hamas using hospitals, schools, and mosques as military command centers, and has nothing to say about the vast tunnel network constructed beneath Gaza that is larger than the London Underground.
Nor does he mention the misuse of the billions of humanitarian dollars donated by nations and global organizations that Hamas used to construct it, nor the corruption that enabled Hamas leaders to amass huge fortunes and live in luxury in Qatar and elsewhere.
Beinart’s moral critique of Israel would be more compelling if it acknowledged the challenges posed by an adversary that rejects Israel’s very existence and openly seeks its destruction. He says nothing about the steps the IDF took to warn civilians about forthcoming attacks. By failing to address these, and other relevant realities adequately, Beinart’s narrative places the onus of blame for the Gazan tragedy entirely on Israel.
Beinart’s family came to the States from South Africa, and in the book he compares the Palestinian experience to South African apartheid, and also to other historical struggles for justice. While rhetorically powerful, such comparisons fail to capture the unique nature of the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Unlike South Africa, where a single governing entity oppressed a disenfranchised majority, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict involves two national movements with competing claims to the same land. The historical, religious, and political dimensions of this conflict make simplistic analogies unhelpful and potentially misleading.
Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza is a provocative work that raises questions about Jewish morality and identity and the future of Jewish-Palestinian relations. However, its arguments fall short of addressing the complexities and challenges inherent in the situation.
A political journey that leads to reinterpretation
BEINART’S POLITICAL journey has led him to a place where everything he learned in his youth about Judaism, Zionism, and the Jewish people seems false, or at least in need of reinterpretation. He clearly feels an urgent need to reassess everything, and in his first chapter, he takes this right back to the Exodus. He challenges Jewish history at every single step from that point, including the festivals. It is a long catalog.
In his reworked vision of Jewish morality, Beinart glosses over the hard realities that have shaped the history of his people, and continue to define the struggle for peace in the Middle East.
For readers seeking a nuanced and balanced exploration of these issues, Peter Beinart is not the author of first choice. Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza is a handbook filled with skewed anti-Israel, anti-Jewish arguments that demand to be challenged by upholders of truth and justice.
The writer is the Middle East correspondent for Eurasia Review. His latest book is: Trump and the Holy Land: 2016-2020. Follow him at: www.a-mid-east-journal.blogspot.com.
Book Review: ‘Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza’ by Peter BeinartIn his latest book, Peter Beinart delves into the complex and often contentious issue of being Jewish in the aftermath of the destruction of Gaza. Drawing on his own personal experiences and extensive research, Beinart paints a nuanced picture of the challenges and dilemmas facing Jewish individuals and communities in the wake of this devastating event.
One of the key strengths of Beinart’s book is his ability to provide a balanced and thoughtful analysis of the various perspectives within the Jewish community. He explores the range of reactions to the destruction of Gaza, from those who support the Israeli government’s actions to those who condemn them as unjust and inhumane. Through interviews with a diverse array of Jewish voices, Beinart highlights the complexity of the issue and the deep divisions that exist within the community.
Furthermore, Beinart does not shy away from addressing the difficult questions and uncomfortable truths that arise in the aftermath of such a traumatic event. He tackles head-on issues of morality, ethics, and justice, challenging his readers to confront the realities of the situation and consider the implications for their own beliefs and values.
Overall, ‘Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza’ is a thought-provoking and insightful exploration of a timely and important topic. Whether you are a member of the Jewish community or simply interested in understanding the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this book is sure to provide valuable insights and spark meaningful conversations.
Have you read ‘Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza’ by Peter Beinart? What are your thoughts on the book? Share your opinions in the comments below!
Tags:
- Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza review
- Peter Beinart book review
- Israel news review
- Gaza conflict analysis
- Jewish identity after Gaza
- Peter Beinart book discussion
- Gaza conflict aftermath
- Israel-Palestine conflict review
- Jewish perspective on Gaza
- Peter Beinart Gaza analysis
#Reviewing #Jewish #Destruction #Gaza #Peter #Beinart #Israel #News
‘A moral wreckage that we need to face’: Peter Beinart on being Jewish after Gaza’s destruction | Israel-Gaza war
Author Peter Beinart speaks at an event in Atlanta in 2012. Photograph: David Goldman/AP Peter Beinart has spent a lifetime talking about Palestine and Israel. In the early 2000s he was regarded as among Israel’s most prominent American defenders. He has since broken with just about every tenet commonly associated with Zionism – from rejecting the argument that Israel can be simultaneously democratic and Jewish to arguing that Palestinian refugees must be allowed to return to historic Palestine. Few people have moved as far in so short a time.
A professor of journalism and political science at the City University of New York, Beinart once edited the New Republic and is now an editor-at-large at Jewish Currents and a contributing opinion columnist for the New York Times. He has built a reputation for being an incisive writer and public intellectual, with a knack for admitting when he’s wrong – on Israel, his early support for the Iraq war and what he has described as his previous complicity in tolerating workplace sexual harassment.
In Beinart’s latest book, he appeals to his fellow Jews to grapple with the morality of their defense of Israel. The book, titled Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza: A Reckoning, begins with a “note to my former friend”, with whom he has broken over the issue. “By reading these words, you have agreed to walk with me,” he writes. “I hope to lure you beyond established boundaries.”
Beinart relies on Jewish texts and draws lessons from South Africa, where his family is from, to confront Zionism and what he sees as complicity from the American Jewish establishment in Palestinian oppression. He argues for a Jewish tradition that has no use for Jewish supremacy and treats human equality as a core value.
I spoke with Beinart before the declaration of a ceasefire earlier this month. I followed up to ask his view on the development.
Ahmed Moor: Hi, Peter. We’ve all been casting about for resources and things to help us understand how the world has changed after Gaza. Your book aims to address some of that but, as the title states, it’s also about “being Jewish”. So who is the audience for the book?
PB: First and foremost, I suppose it’s written for my community, my friends and even my family. I live inside a pretty traditional Jewish world. And I feel like there is a kind of pathology that exists in many Jewish spaces, among people who in other aspects of their lives are humane and thoughtful. Yet when it comes to the question of Gaza, and more generally the question of Palestinians and their right to be free, a certain set of blinders come down.
My hope is that I can get them to see that something has gone very profoundly wrong in the way we think about what it means to be Jewish. I felt like I needed for my own sanity to write something which addressed this moral catastrophe in the hopes that maybe I will change some people’s minds. Maybe there is also a whole group of younger Jews who are themselves profoundly alienated and bewildered and deeply angry. There’s a kind of moral, cultural, even theological wreckage that Jews now have to face. I want to help them think about how they rebuild.
AM: I’m on the outside, but from where I sit it appears that Jews are quite divided, both politically and religiously. Yet in the book you write as though you’re speaking to a single community. What are the values that anchor that community – and what happens when Israel enters the mix?
PB: That’s a big question. What’s complicated about Judaism is that it is a religion with a universal kind of message like Christianity or Islam, but also embedded within Judaism is the metaphor of family. In the book of Genesis, you have the story of a family that in the book of Exodus becomes a people or a nation. In some ways, being Jewish can be analogous to being both Catholic and Italian, in the sense that proudly atheistic Jews still feel very intensely Jewish.
People walk past the rubble of the Al-Hassan Benna mosque on Friday in Gaza City. Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images It’s one thing for Jews to feel these bonds of communal solidarity outside of the state framework, when they often had to depend on one another while living in states that were dangerous to them. But when you take a very powerful state and you inject that with this notion of uncritical solidarity, it leads to a series of rationalizations as that state commits what I think can be rightly called a genocide. Something terrible has gone wrong because Judaism also has a moral message. I feel like that gets lost in all of this.
I think more relevant to the book is the question of how we tell a story about what it means to be Jewish that recognizes our obligations to one another, but also never loses sight of the fact that the first people created according to Torah are not Jews. All human beings are created in the image of God, and that precedes the Jewish story.
What Israel has done in Gaza is the most profound desecration of the central idea of the absolute and infinite worth of every human being. And yet the organized American Jewish community acts as if Palestinians in Gaza have essentially no value. Their deaths are dismissed on the flimsiest of pretexts. These people are basically saying that the state has absolute value, but the human beings who live in this state, if they have the misfortune of being Palestinian, don’t have value.
AM: One of the major themes of the book is complicity. How do you perceive complicity with what Israel is doing, and has been doing for decades, within American Jewish life?
PB: I think the organized American Jewish community, especially since 1967, has been built around unconditional support for Israel as a central feature of what it means to live a Jewish life. You support the basic structure of the state even though the state is fundamentally unequal and fundamentally oppressive when it comes to Palestinians. It comes in many forms. It can come in participation in a group like Aipac, which is pressuring the government to maintain unconditional US support. It can come in more symbolic ways, like a prayer for the Israel Defense Forces which is common in many American synagogues. It also comes through the unwillingness to engage with Palestinians.
Most American Jewish institutions – schools, synagogues, camps, whatever – don’t bring Palestinian speakers in to actually give people a genuine understanding of what Zionism looks like from the standpoint of its victims. These are all forms of complicity.
AM: I’ve been reading your work since at least 2008. I wrote for you in 2012 at the Daily Beast when you were still recognized as a prominent liberal Zionist voice. Over the years, you’ve shown a willingness to change your mind and to do it publicly. Not a lot of people are willing to publicly admit they were wrong. Why do you think that is?
PB: I always feel a little embarrassed when people ask me about these changes in a way that allows me to look good. The truth is that there were a lot of people who knew things much earlier that I took a long time to learn. Obviously many of them are Palestinians from whom I’ve learned, but there are also Jews and others.
My learning process has been slow partly because of fear. I think perhaps that I was too comfortable living in an environment where I was not really exposed to many things, a relatively privileged and cloistered existence. But I’ve also always been afraid of what the consequences would be, career-wise and interpersonally, if I became too radically out of step with people around me. It’s still something I worry about all the time.
For me, there was a process of unpeeling, like an onion, that began when I first went to the West Bank more than 20 years ago. It’s one thing to know in an abstract way that it’s not great for Israel to be occupying people. And I kind of knew that, and I supported two states, but there was always a notion of wanting to give Israel the benefit of the doubt. But the more one looked, the more that was just unsustainable.
The Shuafat refugee camp is seen behind a section of Israel’s separation barrier in Jerusalem. Photograph: Oded Balilty/AP I was also forced to confront the degree to which I had dehumanized Palestinians. I didn’t think of myself as someone who did that. But I realized that I wasn’t engaging with Palestinians as human beings. I was engaging with Palestinians as a kind of an abstract group of people about whom I was making various judgments.
There was a real shock that came with engagement with ordinary people and the realization that these were human beings who were enduring these things that I and the people around me would never be willing to tolerate. I was able to shed the preconceptions that I was raised with, that so many Jews are raised with, about Palestinians, that they have a tendency towards violence. I was able to unlearn those things. So that has been for me an experience of liberation.
That’s part of what the book is about: I want other Jews to have that experience of liberation because first of all it means that we can stop being complicit in these horrors, but also we don’t have to carry the burden of this fear based on dehumanizing and often racist views.
AM: This is a really thorny topic, but a lot of people see overt displays of traditionally Jewish symbols as signifiers of Zionism, which is militaristic and chauvinistic in my lived experience as a Palestinian who has spent time in both Gaza and the West Bank. For example, there was that infamous story of Israeli soldiers branding the Star of David on to a detainee’s face. So how do you unwind the association of Zionism with Judaism?
PB: Zionism has this very strange relationship with Judaism. In one way it was a rebellion against Judaism. Normative notions of Jewish law said that Jews pray for the Messiah to come and once the Messiah comes, Jews will return to what we call the land of Israel. But then, in an era of nationalism and imperialism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Zionist movement said: “We are going to have our own nationalist project.” In the beginning the vast majority of Jewish religious authorities were hostile to Zionism. But then Zionism also plays on these traditional notions in Jewish texts of a connection to this place called the land of Israel.
But now, Zionism in the form of Jewish ethnonationalism risks swallowing Judaism or becoming so enmeshed with it that the two cannot be distinguished. The Israeli flag is designed to look like a tallit, the prayer shawl that Jews wear when they pray. It has the star of David, a traditional Jewish symbol. The menorah is also used in Israeli symbols.
Jews want opponents of Zionism to make this distinction – I don’t want people to go up to a Jew on the street who is wearing a kippah or some Jewish symbol and make that person responsible for what the state of Israel does.
Yet at the same time, Jewish leaders in America are constantly conflating these two things by saying Zionism is inherent in Judaism. On the one hand, they say, supporting the state of Israel is inherent in being Jewish. On the other, they’re asking the anti-Zionist or pro-Palestine activist to live up to a standard that they themself violate.
Many American Jews will decide they want to be Zionists. They will decide they want to support the state of Israel. I may argue with them. They have the right to make that choice. But it is not an inherent part of being Jewish.
AM: You write: “Hostility to Israel has become so pervasive in progressive circles that Zionist students sometimes feel like ideological pariahs.” How should the Palestinian rights movement interact with Zionist students, especially since the overwhelming weight of institutional opprobrium is directed at anti-Zionist students?
PB: I wrestled with how to write that chapter a lot. I think some Jewish students arrive at college from an environment in which Zionism and support for the state of Israel is normative. It’s what they have experienced, what they have learned. They’ve probably had almost no interaction with Palestinians – no understanding of what Zionism looks like from the standpoint of its victims. So then the question is: how do you engage with those students?
I think there is a great opportunity for education. Engaging with those students, talking to them, trying to create environments where they hear Palestinians and they hear scholarly work on Israel/Palestine is a better path than the path of exclusion. I don’t think the path of exclusion – basically saying you’re the equivalent of a white supremacist, we will not talk to you – is antisemitism. But I don’t think it is the most effective way of bringing about the change that we want.
I think I can understand that it’s not easy for a Palestinian to sit down with a Jewish student and explain to the Jewish student why they are fully human and why they’re fully deserving of equality. In the same way that I think Black Americans often don’t really appreciate having to do that with white Americans. I understand that not everyone is going to want to play that role, but at the very least I don’t think people should shut down those spaces.
A book by Beinart under the chair of an audience member as Beinart speaks in at Atlanta in 2012. Photograph: David Goldman/AP It’s a strategic argument. I don’t think that exclusion is the best way to bring about the change that we want.
AM: Since we first spoke, a tenuous ceasefire has come into effect. How do you interpret its terms and how it came about?
PB: To me the ceasefire shows that US pressure works. I’m glad that some hostages will be released and that Palestinians in Gaza will get some reprieve from the bombing and some additional aid. But even though Israel destroyed Gaza, Hamas will remain there, because the Palestinian problem is a political problem, not a military one. Israel never had a strategy, and will likely go back to destroying Gaza.
AM: In your book, you end on a hopeful note, writing that Jews can contribute to humanity by “liberating ourselves from supremacy so, as partners with Palestinians, we can help liberate the world”. Do you really draw hope at this time?
PB: I don’t think that hope is something one draws from material circumstances. Optimism is something you look for evidence for. I have none of that. I see Israel moving towards an American-style solution to the Palestinian question. In the 19th century, the American solution to the Native population was to destroy their societies so that they couldn’t function as a political entity.
But hope comes from wherever it comes from. It’s just something that human beings need. Like we need oxygen. For me, maybe it comes from belief in God. I don’t know. I have glimpsed, myself, little episodes of this potential liberation as a child of South Africans. Imagine if this story of Palestine and Israel, which is now a story of unbelievable horror, of genocide, of apartheid – if it were instead a story of collective liberation. I do really believe in my soul that Israeli Jews and Palestinians could live together in full equality with a true process of reconciliation and full refugee return and historical justice that would unleash things that would be miraculous for people around the world.
Will I see it? I have no idea. But that’s the dream.
-
Ahmed Moor is a writer and fellow at the Foundation for Middle East Peace. He is a plaintiff in a lawsuit that charges the US state department with circumventing the law to fund Israeli military units accused of human rights abuses
-
Peter Beinart is editor-at-large of Jewish Currents and professor of journalism and political science at City University of New York. Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza: A Reckoning is out on 28 January
In his recent article, Peter Beinart delves into the moral complexities of being Jewish in the aftermath of the destruction in Gaza during the Israel-Gaza war. He grapples with the internal conflict of feeling a deep connection to his Jewish identity while also feeling immense sorrow and guilt over the devastation caused by the conflict.Beinart highlights the importance of facing the harsh realities of the situation, urging the Jewish community to confront the moral wreckage that has been left in the wake of the war. He emphasizes the need for introspection and self-reflection, acknowledging the pain and suffering that has been inflicted on both sides of the conflict.
As a prominent voice in the Jewish community, Beinart’s words carry weight and significance. His call for accountability and empathy serves as a powerful reminder of the ethical responsibilities that come with being Jewish, especially in times of conflict and crisis.
Ultimately, Beinart’s thoughtful and thought-provoking analysis challenges us to confront the moral complexities of our identities and to strive for a more just and compassionate world, even in the face of destruction and devastation.
Tags:
- Peter Beinart
- Jewish identity
- Israel-Gaza war
- Moral wreckage
- Gaza destruction
- Jewish perspective
- Conflict in the Middle East
- Jewish community
- Gaza crisis
- Israel-Palestine conflict
#moral #wreckage #face #Peter #Beinart #Jewish #Gazas #destruction #IsraelGaza #war
-
Today’s Jewish Birthday: Justin Baldoni
Courtesy of Wikipedia
Justin Baldoni, 2015 (Photo: Wikipedia) Justin Baldoni (January 24, 1984) is an American actor and director. He is best known for playing Rafael Solano on the CW telenovela Jane the Virgin (2014–2019) and for starring in and directing the romantic drama film It Ends with Us (2024). He has also directed Five Feet Apart (2019) and Clouds (2020).
Baldoni co-founded the production company Wayfarer Studios in 2019. Through his company he has produced and co-hosted the Man Enough podcast. He has also published two books centering on male privilege and toxic masculinity.
Click here to read more of the Wikipedia article.
Tomorrow, January 25: Emma Freud
Today we celebrate the Jewish birthday of actor and director Justin Baldoni! Best known for his role as Rafael Solano on the hit TV show “Jane the Virgin,” Baldoni has also gained recognition for his work as a director and producer, particularly for his documentary series “My Last Days.”Born to a Jewish mother and an Italian Catholic father, Baldoni has spoken openly about his spiritual beliefs and the importance of his Jewish heritage in shaping his identity. He is a strong advocate for mental health awareness, gender equality, and social justice issues.
Join us in wishing Justin Baldoni a happy Jewish birthday and celebrating his continued success in the entertainment industry and his dedication to making a positive impact on the world. Mazel tov, Justin! #JustinBaldoni #JewishBirthday #MazelTov
Tags:
- Jewish birthday
- Justin Baldoni
- Jewish celebrities
- Jewish heritage
- Jewish culture
- Jewish traditions
- Birthdays in Judaism
- Justin Baldoni birthday
- Jewish actor
- Justin Baldoni Jewish roots
#Todays #Jewish #Birthday #Justin #Baldoni
Today’s obituary: Martin Birnbaum’s funeral business was relied on by Syracuse’s Jewish community
Today, we mourn the loss of Martin Birnbaum, a beloved member of the Syracuse community whose funeral business was a cornerstone for the city’s Jewish community. For decades, Martin’s compassion, professionalism, and dedication to serving families in their time of need made him a trusted figure in times of grief.Martin’s funeral home was more than just a business – it was a place of solace, comfort, and support for those who had lost a loved one. His attention to detail, personalized care, and commitment to honoring Jewish traditions and customs made him a pillar of strength for many during their darkest hours.
His legacy will live on in the countless lives he touched and the families he helped guide through the difficult process of saying goodbye to their loved ones. Martin’s kindness, empathy, and unwavering dedication to his community will be deeply missed.
As we gather to celebrate Martin’s life and legacy, let us remember the impact he had on those around him and the lasting impression he leaves on Syracuse’s Jewish community. May his memory be a blessing to all who knew him.
Tags:
- Martin Birnbaum obituary
- Syracuse funeral business
- Jewish community funeral services
- Martin Birnbaum funeral legacy
- Syracuse Jewish funeral traditions
- Martin Birnbaum funeral services
- Syracuse Jewish community obituary
- Martin Birnbaum funeral business
- Syracuse Jewish funeral director
- Martin Birnbaum funeral home
#Todays #obituary #Martin #Birnbaums #funeral #business #relied #Syracuses #Jewish #community
Trump Signs Order Expelling Pro-Hamas Foreign Students | The Jewish Press – JewishPress.com | David Israel | 21 Tevet 5785 – Tuesday, January 21, 2025
Photo Credit: Ted Eytan / Flickr
Anti-Israel protesters at Dupont Circle Fountain, Washington, DC. President Donald Trump on Monday signed an executive order permitting the deportation of students and other foreign nationals who express support for terrorist organizations that are officially designated as such by the US government.
The executive order states that “Whenever information is identified that would support the exclusion or removal of any alien … the Secretary of Homeland Security shall take immediate steps to exclude or remove that alien unless she determines that doing so would inhibit a significant pending investigation or prosecution of the alien for a serious criminal offense or would be contrary to the national security interests of the United States.”
Titled, “Protecting the United States from Foreign Terrorists and Other National Security and Public Safety Threats,” the executive order declares “It is the policy of the United States to protect its citizens from aliens who intend to commit terrorist attacks, threaten our national security, espouse hateful ideology, or otherwise exploit the immigration laws for malevolent purposes.”
“To protect Americans, the United States must be vigilant during the visa-issuance process to ensure that those aliens approved for admission into the United States do not intend to harm Americans or our national interests,” states the executive order, stressing, “More importantly, the United States must identify them before their admission or entry into the United States. And the United States must ensure that admitted aliens and aliens otherwise already present in the United States do not bear hostile attitudes toward its citizens, culture, government, institutions, or founding principles, and do not advocate for, aid, or support designated foreign terrorists and other threats to our national security.”
Section 2 of the order deals with “Enhanced Vetting and Screening Across Agencies.” Under it, the Secretary of State, in coordination with the Attorney General, the Secretary of Homeland Security, and the Director of National Intelligence, are ordered to:
(i) Identify all resources that may be used to ensure that all aliens seeking admission to the United States, or who are already in the United States, are vetted and screened to the maximum degree possible;
(ii) Determine the information needed from any country to adjudicate any visa, admission, or other benefit under the INA for one of its nationals, and to ascertain whether the individual seeking the benefit is who the individual claims to be and that the individual is not a security or public-safety threat;
(iii) Re-establish a uniform baseline for screening and vetting standards and procedures, consistent with the uniform baseline that existed on January 19, 2021, that will be used for any alien seeking a visa or immigration benefit of any kind; and
(iv) Vet and screen to the maximum degree possible all aliens who intend to be admitted, enter, or are already inside the United States, particularly those aliens coming from regions or nations with identified security risks.
Within 60 days of the date of this order, the Secretary of State, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Homeland Security, and the Director of National Intelligence shall jointly submit to the President, through the Assistant to the President for Homeland Security, a report:
(i) Identifying countries throughout the world for which vetting and screening information is so deficient as to warrant a partial or full suspension on the admission of nationals from those countries.
(ii) Identifying how many nationals from those countries have entered or have been admitted into the United States on or since January 20, 2021, and any other information the Secretaries and Attorney General deem relevant to the actions or activities of such nationals since their admission or entry to the United States.
President Trump has signed an executive order expelling foreign students with ties to Hamas from the United States. The order, which comes amid growing tensions in the Middle East, targets individuals who are suspected of supporting the terrorist organization.This decision is a bold move by the Trump administration to ensure the safety and security of American citizens. The President has made it clear that those who support terrorism will not be welcome in the United States.
The order has been met with mixed reactions, with some praising the President for taking a strong stance against terrorism, while others criticize the move as discriminatory.
As tensions continue to rise in the Middle East, it is clear that the Trump administration is committed to protecting the interests of the United States and its allies. This latest executive order is just one example of the President’s dedication to keeping America safe from threats both foreign and domestic.
Tags:
Trump, executive order, expel foreign students, Hamas, Israel, national security, immigration policy, foreign policy, academic institutions, student visas, expulsion, political news, Jewish Press, David Israel, January 2025
#Trump #Signs #Order #Expelling #ProHamas #Foreign #Students #Jewish #Press #JewishPress.com #David #Israel #Tevet #Tuesday #JanuaryJewish gymnast Ágnes Keleti dies at 103 – Israel News
Hungarian-born Israeli artistic gymnast and coach Ágnes Keleti died on Thursday at the age of 103.
Born in Budapest in 1921, Keleti was deemed one of the greatest Jewish athletes, winning 10 Olympic medals for the national Hungarian team throughout her career.
She participated in both the Helsinki and Melbourne Olympics in 1952 and 1956, respectively.
Keleti made aliyah to the Jewish State in 1957 and became the Israeli with the most Olympic medals.
Among the numerous prizes and acknowledgments she received, Keleti was the recipient of the Israel Prize in the field of sports in 2017, one of the most distinguished prizes awarded in the country.
Then-education minister Naftali Bennett with Israel Prize winner Ágnes Keleti during the Israel prize ceremony in Jerusalem. May 2, 2017. (credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90) ‘A trailblazer of Jewish sports’
Culture and Sports Minister Miki Zohar mourned Keleti’s passing in a post on X/Twitter, dubbing her “a trailblazer of Jewish sports and one of the greatest athletes in history.”
He added that Keleti was a Holocaust survivor who “turned pain into strength and faith into remarkable achievements and victories.”
“Her legacy is an endless inspiration for generations,” Zohar further wrote.
The International March of the Living (MOTL) said that it “mourns the passing of Ágnes Keleti, of blessed memory, a Holocaust survivor and recipient of the Israel Prize” in a statement.
Last year, as part of the 80th anniversary of the annihilation of Hungarian Jewry during the Holocaust, MOTL held an event on the eve of Holocaust Remembrance Day in Budapest.
During the Holocaust, 400,000 Hungarian Jews were sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau, MOTL noted.
“Ágnes Keleti leaves an enduring legacy as a symbol of resilience, transforming the horrors of the Holocaust into extraordinary contributions to humanity. She will forever be remembered as a symbol of the human spirit’s triumph and the courage to choose life in the face of unimaginable adversity,” MOTL concluded.
Today, the world mourns the loss of Jewish gymnast Ágnes Keleti, who passed away at the age of 103. Keleti was a Hungarian-born gymnast who competed in the 1952 and 1956 Olympics, winning a total of 10 medals, including five golds. She was a trailblazer in the world of gymnastics, breaking barriers and paving the way for future generations of athletes.Keleti’s incredible talent and determination made her a legend in the world of gymnastics, and she will always be remembered for her remarkable achievements. Her legacy will continue to inspire athletes around the world for years to come.
Our thoughts and prayers are with Keleti’s family and loved ones during this difficult time. May her memory be a blessing.
Tags:
Jewish gymnast, Ágnes Keleti, dies at 103
Ágnes Keleti, Hungarian-Israeli gymnast
Ágnes Keleti, Olympic gold medalist
Ágnes Keleti, gymnastics legend
Ágnes Keleti, Jewish athlete
Ágnes Keleti, Israel News
Ágnes Keleti, gymnastics icon
Ágnes Keleti, Hungarian gymnast
Ágnes Keleti, Olympic champion
Ágnes Keleti, sports news
#Jewish #gymnast #Ágnes #Keleti #dies #Israel #NewsJake Retzlaff Is Making History at BYU as First Jewish Quarterback (Exclusive)
- Jake Retzlaff has made history at Brigham Young University as the first Jewish quarterback in the program’s history
- The California native proudly wears a Star of David necklace under his football gear
- Now eyeing the NFL, he recently scored an NIL deal with Manischewitz, the kosher food maker
On the fourth night of Hanukkah, Jake Retzlaff and his BYU teammates will take on Deion Sanders’ Colorado at the Alamo Bowl in San Antonio.
The Jewish quarterback — who began his college career at two different junior colleges in California before the Cougars came calling — is enjoying every second of every snap, but as fans can attest, it’s all hardly a miracle.
“I’m excited for it,” Retzlaff, 21, tells PEOPLE exclusively about playing on the holiday, and then adds, laughing: “Somebody will probably make a big deal out of that, so I won’t.”
He continues, “But yeah, I mean it’s going to be a blast. I actually played on Yom Kippur this year [against Arizona] and we won, so it must’ve been a sign.”
BYU fans will take it. The team, who went 10-2 this season and 7-2 in conference play, seemingly exceeded expectations in its second season in the Big 12.
While they came just short of making the playoff, Retzlaff says that he’s looking forward to another chance next year.
“A lot of people that thought we should have got in who thought our resumes showed more than where we ended up,” he tells PEOPLE. “But this team is a top 12 team. I believe that. I believe that if you put us in that playoff, we show up and play well. So I’m excited for next year for that opportunity.”
This season, Retzlaff found his groove, leading the team at QB after starting the final four games of 2023 — and it all coincided with worldwide attention he received for not only being a Jewish quarterback, but also being a Jewish quarterback at a Mormon school.
Never miss a story — sign up for PEOPLE’s free daily newsletter to stay up-to-date on the best of what PEOPLE has to offer, from celebrity news to compelling human interest stories.
“The first time I realized I should be me, it was in high school when everybody’s trying to figure out who they are, of course,” Retzlaff says, describing his experience playing ball in Corona, Calif., where he and brother Reggie were known first as athletes, not necessarily for being Jewish athletes.
A friend inspired Retzlaff, a reform Jew who had a bar mitzvah, to be proud of his heritage.
“I had this chain,” he says, as he pulls his Star of David necklace around to face the camera on a Zoom call, “And now I’m wearing it everywhere all the time. But a buddy of mine who ended up playing safety at Idaho State was like, ‘Jake, pop that chain, man, be you. You know what I mean? You don’t be afraid and stuff like that.’ ”
He continues, “And it was like I owe it to him. Know what I mean? All the stuff that’s come from that, just being yourself. And so since then it was like, I’m just going to be a 100% unapologetically me, and trust me, the guys in the locker room, they know that and they’ve seen that. And so it’s been fun to just embrace that and be me. And I think it’s great because I think it’s awesome, the positive feedback from people around the world.”
Amid a time of heightened anti-Semitism, messages from around the world have made their way to Retzlaff.
“Stuff that says, ‘Hey dude, keep being Jewish,’ ” he shares. “And I’m like, just like, dude, it’s crazy what’s come from it. And not that it wasn’t my intention, but it wasn’t a thing on the top of my mind to be inspiring and stuff like that. For me, it was just like, I’m just going to be me and see what comes of it. And all the positivity has been incredible.”
Bruce Yeung/Getty
The signal-caller says his teammates have embraced him for who he is — and the feeling is mutual.
“I mean, coming to a place like BYU where it’s religious, it makes it super easy to be religious, what’s going on around you,” he tells PEOPLE. “And so for me, it was cool to grow in my faith a little bit as I got here. But also at the same time, you get the questions from the guys very curious around here and just wondering about my faith. And it’s cool because I wasn’t very familiar about the LDS faith either. And so for me it was firing the similar questions right back at them and kind of finding out the nuances and learning from them at the same time.”
Retzlaff, who has an eye to one day making it in the NFL, recently scored an NIL deal with Manischewitz, the kosher food company known for its wine, matzoh and other Jewish holiday fare.
All of which means there might just be a few extra of his mom’s latkes on the table back home in California after the bowl game.
“The cool part is that I’ll get home for the end of Hanukkah, the last half of it,” he tells PEOPLE. “And so it’s nice. Just to be home during the holidays is fun and being back with the family is always good.”
Jake Retzlaff Is Making History at BYU as First Jewish Quarterback (Exclusive)BYU football fans are buzzing with excitement as Jake Retzlaff takes the field as the first Jewish quarterback in the university’s history. The talented young athlete has been turning heads with his skill and determination, leading the team to victory after victory.
In an exclusive interview, Retzlaff shared his journey to becoming the starting quarterback for the BYU Cougars. “It’s an honor to represent my faith and my school on the football field,” he said. “I want to show that no matter your background or beliefs, you can achieve your dreams with hard work and dedication.”
Retzlaff’s success on the field has not gone unnoticed, with fans and teammates alike praising his leadership and talent. “Jake is a natural leader and a fierce competitor,” said one teammate. “He brings a unique perspective to the game and inspires us all to work harder and play better.”
As Retzlaff continues to make history at BYU, he hopes to inspire other Jewish athletes to pursue their dreams and break barriers in the world of sports. “I want to show that anything is possible if you believe in yourself and work hard,” he said. “I am proud to be the first Jewish quarterback at BYU, and I hope to pave the way for others to follow in my footsteps.”
With his determination and drive, Jake Retzlaff is proving that he is not just a quarterback, but a trailblazer, breaking stereotypes and making history at BYU. Fans can’t wait to see what he accomplishes next on the football field.
Tags:
- Jake Retzlaff BYU quarterback
- Jewish quarterback BYU
- Jake Retzlaff history maker BYU
- BYU quarterback Jake Retzlaff
- Jewish athlete Jake Retzlaff
- Jake Retzlaff exclusive interview
- BYU football Jake Retzlaff
- Jewish history maker BYU
- Jake Retzlaff college football
- Jake Retzlaff Jewish heritage
#Jake #Retzlaff #Making #History #BYU #Jewish #Quarterback #Exclusive
Imagining Zion: Dreams, Designs, and Realities in a Century of Jewish Settlemen
Imagining Zion: Dreams, Designs, and Realities in a Century of Jewish Settlemen
Price : 15.30
Ends on : N/A
View on eBay
Imagining Zion: Dreams, Designs, and Realities in a Century of Jewish SettlementOver the past century, the dream of a Jewish homeland in Zion has evolved from a distant hope to a vibrant reality. From the early pioneers who built the first kibbutzim to the modern cities and high-tech industries that now dot the landscape, the story of Jewish settlement in Israel is one of innovation, perseverance, and resilience.
In this post, we will explore the dreams that inspired the early Zionists, the designs they implemented to build a new society, and the realities they faced along the way. From the founding of Tel Aviv to the establishment of the State of Israel, we will examine how a vision became a reality through hard work, dedication, and a belief in the future.
Join us as we trace the history of Jewish settlement in Zion, from the first dreams of a homeland to the vibrant and diverse society that exists today. Explore the challenges and triumphs of a century of Jewish settlement, and discover the enduring legacy of those who dared to dream of a better future in the land of Israel.
#Imagining #Zion #Dreams #Designs #Realities #Century #Jewish #Settlemen,zion technologies
Ad Choices
