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After Attack, New Orleans Is Rattled but Ready for the ‘Biggest Show on Earth’
In the final days before Super Bowl LIX in New Orleans, local, state and federal officials have described a dash to beef up security plans that were robust even before a New Year’s Day terrorist attack unleashed anguish and alarm in the city.
One of the most visible changes is the “enhanced security zone” around Bourbon Street, the site of the deadly ramming attack and a hive of activity when the Super Bowl is in town. Gov. Jeff Landry of Louisiana created the zone using an emergency order, which also allows law enforcement officers to search the bags of people entering the area and deny entry to anyone who refuses, officials said.
New steel barriers have also been installed to thwart other potential ramming attacks; the barriers were added partly out of concern that a new bollard system that was in the works before the attack was not strong enough to stop speeding trucks. No bollards were in place on Bourbon Street when the attack happened.
Even before the New Year’s mayhem, the security measures planned for the Super Bowl reflected the kind of vast and layered response that has become the default for an event of this magnitude — one that took months of coordination and drew upon years of experience.
But in recent weeks, officials have repeatedly sought to reassure residents and visitors by describing how they had re-evaluated and tweaked those plans after a man plowed into a crowd on Bourbon Street. Fourteen people were killed and dozens more were injured in the attack, roughly a mile from the football stadium.
The blocks around the stadium, Caesar’s Superdome, have turned into a maze of barricades, fences and closed roads. About 2,000 law enforcement officers will be deployed this weekend — many in uniform, and many others working covertly. There are also checkpoints, armed National Guard troops and drones and helicopters constantly hovering overhead.
“It’s been a whirlwind,” said Collin Arnold, the city’s director of homeland security and emergency preparedness. “This last month has been very, very busy, but we’re ready. This city is ready.”
Even for a city well accustomed to tourism, conventions and major cultural events, the stakes posed by the Super Bowl are unrivaled. The event is projected to bring more than 125,000 people to New Orleans in the coming days, including the highest-profile celebrities, athletes and business leaders. White House officials said this week that President Trump was planning to attend.
“The biggest show on earth is going to go off without a hitch,” Mr. Landry said at a briefing on Monday.
At the same briefing, Kristi Noem, the federal homeland security secretary, said that there were “no specific, credible threats” regarding the Super Bowl. She joined Mr. Landry and a parade of law enforcement officials who urged a reasonable amount of caution but also stressed that the preparations were comprehensive.
The message was meant to ease the disquiet stirred by the attack on New Orleans’s most famous street.
Investigators said the attack had been carried out by a 42-year-old U.S. Army veteran from Texas who claimed to have joined the Islamic State terrorist organization, known as ISIS. He left two improvised explosive devices in coolers on the street in the French Quarter before he drove a rented pickup into a crowd at about 3:15 on New Year’s morning.
The attacker, Shamsud-Din Jabbar, was killed in a shootout with the police that also injured two officers.
The carnage infused pain into what was supposed to be a season of revelry, coming before the parties and parades that lead up to Mardi Gras. The Sugar Bowl, the college football game played in New Orleans every January, was delayed by a day because of the attack. The city is also preparing for the Jazz and Heritage Festival that begins in April.
“We have worked tirelessly to ensure the security and safety of this city remains intact,” said Mr. Landry, a Republican, who added that coming to New Orleans — and enjoying it — was an important display of defiance in the aftermath of terror.
New Orleans’s history with the Super Bowl is almost as old as the event itself. The Kansas City Chiefs beat the Minnesota Vikings, 23-7, during Super Bowl IV at Tulane Stadium in 1970. The Super Bowl returned nine times between 1972 and 2013. On Sunday, when the Chiefs face the Philadelphia Eagles, New Orleans will tie Miami for hosting the most Super Bowls, 11.
Of all the logistical challenges that come with hosting the event, security is perhaps the biggest and most complicated. Mr. Arnold said that representatives from New Orleans had embedded at the two most recent games, in Las Vegas and Glendale, Ariz., to fully grasp all it entails. “It’s a tall order to put on something like this,” he said.
The Super Bowl is classified by the Department of Homeland Security as a level one event, meaning it has major national and international significance and requires extensive federal support.
It draws in officers from the New Orleans Police Department and other local departments, the Louisiana State Police, the F.B.I. and other federal agencies. Their presence is concentrated at the Superdome, the New Orleans convention center and the sites of related events nearby.
“The safest place to be this weekend will be under the security umbrella this team has put together,” said Cathy L. Lanier, the chief security officer for the National Football League and a former police chief in Washington, D.C.
But local officials acknowledged that their concerns extended beyond Super Bowl weekend. Mr. Arnold said the festivities surrounding Mardi Gras — with dozens of parades winding through the city and crowds pouring into the French Quarter — will in some ways be harder to safeguard than the Super Bowl.
This year, Homeland Security officials have also ranked Mardi Gras, which was previously regarded as a lower-tier regional event, as a level one event for the first time, allowing for more federal resources. A free app being rolled out for the Super Bowl called NOLA Ready will also be available during Mardi Gras and beyond; it allows users to quickly report an emergency to the authorities, share their locations with friends and get traffic and safety information.
The state has also used Mr. Landry’s emergency order to justify clearing homeless encampments near the Superdome ahead of the game. Critics have argued that the move was less about security than making sure the people living in tents were nowhere near Super Bowl tourists and television cameras, disrupting lives and routines in the process. The dozens who were displaced could choose to be taken to a temporary shelter away from the city center that promised access to resources, room for pets and shuttles to ferry people to work and appointments.
In the enhanced security zone in the French Quarter, ice chests and backpack coolers are forbidden. But state law still permits people to carry concealed guns into the zone, even though shootings have been a persistent problem in the French Quarter.
The additional measures that have been undertaken by the state since the attack and will continue through Mardi Gras are anticipated to cost about $52 million, officials said.
There have been some bumps when New Orleans hosted the Super Bowl before, like in 2013, when the lights in the Superdome went out for 34 minutes during the game. But even ahead of Sunday’s game, some city leaders were already contemplating the possibility of hosting for the 12th time.
“The track record, I think, speaks for itself,” said Anne Kirkpatrick, the city’s police superintendent.
New Orleans is often praised for its resilience, which officials brought up again this week. It is a source of uneasy pride for residents who have weathered hurricanes and extreme heat, the punishing toll of the coronavirus pandemic and a surge in violence that has recently dissipated.
In the most stressful moments, reflecting on past hardships and how the city had persevered can provide some solace.
“We bounce back,” Mr. Arnold said, “and I think that’s going to be the case here.”
After the recent attack in New Orleans, the city is left rattled but determined to carry on with its world-famous Mardi Gras celebrations. Despite the tragic event, residents and officials are coming together to ensure that this year’s festivities will go on as planned.The attack has brought a sense of fear and uncertainty to the city, but New Orleans is no stranger to adversity. The resilient spirit of the people, combined with the unwavering support of the community, is what will help them push through this difficult time.
As the city prepares for the “Biggest Show on Earth,” organizers are taking extra precautions to ensure the safety of all attendees. Increased security measures and heightened vigilance will be in place to prevent any further incidents.
Mardi Gras is more than just a celebration – it’s a symbol of New Orleans’ strength and resilience. The city may be rattled, but it is ready to show the world that nothing can dampen its spirit. Let the good times roll!
Tags:
- New Orleans resilience
- Mardi Gras aftermath
- New Orleans recovery
- Big Easy spirit
- New Orleans strength
- Mardi Gras preparations
- New Orleans community
- Carnival season resilience
- New Orleans parade readiness
- Mardi Gras celebration revival
#Attack #Orleans #Rattled #Ready #Biggest #Show #Earth
Musk associates sought to use critical Treasury payment system to shut down USAID spending, emails show
CNN
—
Four days after Donald Trump’s inauguration, Elon Musk’s top lieutenants at the Treasury Department asked its acting secretary, a career civil servant, to immediately shut off all USAID payments using the department’s own ultra-sensitive payment processing system.
The ask was so out of line with how Treasury normally operates, it prompted a skeptical reply from David Lebryk, then serving as acting Treasury secretary, who said he did not believe “we have the legal authority to stop an authorized payment certified by an agency,” according to a source familiar with the exchange.
Lebryk suggested a “legally less risky approach” would be for the State Department, which oversees USAID, to rescind the payments itself and examine whether they complied with President Donald Trump’s Inauguration Day executive order freezing foreign development aid.
Tom Krause, a former tech executive and now the top DOGE staffer at Treasury, responded that Lebryk could have legal risk himself should he choose not to comply.
This back and forth over email, described to CNN by a source familiar with it, reveals the first known indication that Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency emissaries sought to use Treasury’s tools to block some payments, fulfilling the president’s political agenda.
The ensuing controversy set off a chain reaction around Washington this week, sparking a tense political debate and emergency court proceedings over DOGE’s access to the system and the administration’s potential interest in using it to turn off payments as it chooses.
The email exchange marked a direct collision between political appointees loyal to Musk and career civil servants at the Treasury Department.
Last Friday, Lebryk announced his sudden departure from government service, ending his more than 35-year career at Treasury.
Democratic senators on Capitol Hill have demanded answers, while unions and protesters voiced fears about Musk’s potential incursion into Americans’ private data.
The controversy has also drawn attention to a previously obscure office inside Treasury called the Bureau of the Fiscal Service, which processes more than a billion payments totaling more than a $5 trillion a year.
The payment system reliably distributes Americans’ tax returns, Social Security benefits, disability payments and federal employees’ salaries. It has historically been off-limits to political appointees but Musk and his allies appear bent on breaking that precedent. In fact, Krause and his top deputy traveled to Kansas City to visit the federal office that operates the payment systems for the BFS, an ask they made prior to Trump’s inauguration that was denied by career Treasury officials at the time.
The critical, if largely unknown, BFS payment system is just one of the government nerve centers across Washington that, in less than three weeks, Musk and his DOGE teams have sought to disrupt or gain access to, including those responsible for the federal government’s work force, real estate portfolio, computer systems, and records management, just to name a few.
“People underestimate how badly, and quickly, things could go if someone starts messing with things with multiple systems underpinned by technology that isn’t native to any engineer, no matter how brilliant,” said one former BFS career official.
In a letter to lawmakers, the Treasury Department said the access to the payment system granted to Krause and a deputy was restricted to “read-only” with the payments systems. Trump’s newly confirmed Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent delivered the same message in a private meeting with House Republicans on Monday.
But that level of access is dramatically different than what Krause and his DOGE associates had pressed Lebryk to grant in the email exchange — and came amid conflicting reports about whether the scope was more expansive than it was being conveyed.
“The hole here is what happened between the initial ask and Bessent’s sign-off,” said one source with knowledge of the events that led up to the email exchange. “Either the DOGE aspirations for what they wanted dramatically changed or the limitations they insist were placed on them aren’t the whole story.”
In an interview with Bloomberg TV Thursday, Bessent said there has been no “tinkering” with the payments system and that DOGE representatives have “read-only” access to the payments system.
Bessent also defended the work of DOGE personnel detailed to Treasury, saying they are “these are highly trained professionals. This is not some roving band running around doing things. This is methodical and it is going to yield big savings.”
None of the people at Treasury on the emails responded to inquiries from CNN this week.
There have been questions about how far Trump and Musk believe they can go in cutting back spending across the federal government, with Musk in recent days commenting gleefully about shutting down payments.
The emails also highlight how forceful the group from DOGE has been in sketching out a way to use the Treasury Department to control grant funding Trump and Musk oppose, especially from USAID toward developing foreign nations.
Any decision to turn off some payments via Treasury’s systems, especially to align with Trump’s political wishes, would be an unprecedented fiscal decision and pose a direct threat to Congress’ power of the purse by giving the president more control over which payments to make, or not.
That wasn’t the Trump delegates’ approach, however.
In a lengthy email late January 24, Daniel Katz, the chief of staff to Bessent, first wrote that the department should shut off outgoing USAID payments so the State Department could then assess if aid to foreign health care systems complied with Trump’s directives, according to the source familiar with the messages.
Katz wrote that “potentially problematic payments” out of line with the president’s orders should be paused en masse by the department.
Still, Katz was clear the new administration believed Treasury could make its own decisions.
A division of USAID that delivered money to health care systems in developing nations had already put in place a process to shut off some payments, Katz wrote, and the administration “would like to replicate” that at Treasury.
“What we would like to do is, to the extent permitted by law, temporarily pause the automatic processing of payment files,” from a USAID division called Health Systems Strengthening, Katz wrote.
Katz also wrote that Krause, Musk’s deputy at Treasury, should be given access to the payments system so he and his team could take action.
Some of the administration’s plan, Katz added, included immediately pausing all payment files still in the queue and letting Krause and others look at individual payments certified by USAID for the health care systems. The State Department could then look closer at the payments through USAID, Katz added.
The Health Systems Strengthening program at USAID has primarily funneled money into countries in Africa and Southeast Asia, as well as Indonesia, the Philippines, Guatemala and Haiti. The funds were aimed at building the countries’ health systems so they could improve care to prevent infants and mothers from dying in childbirth, control the spread of HIV and AIDS and other infectious diseases, among other projects.
In one project touted on the now-archived USAID website, the division funded an emergency room in Jordan.
Its distributions are now in a 90-day pause because of Trump’s executive order.
After Katz’s initial message two weeks ago, Lebryk was explicit that the Treasury Department shouldn’t do what DOGE proposed.
“There are also practical and personal liability issues that may come into play,” Lebryk wrote, copying a lawyer from the Treasury Department’s general counsel’s office.
But Krause, the special hire from DOGE sent to Treasury, was undeterred. “I would also recommend you consider an equal alternative liability,” he wrote to Lebryk.
“I believe we can all feel more comfortable that we hold payment at least to review the underlying payment requests from USAID now so that we can be given time to consult State,” Krause wrote, ending a middle-of-night email on Saturday, according to the source.
Frustrated with Katz and Krause’s messages, Lebryk left the department the following week, shortly after the confirmation of now-Secretary Bessent.
Initially, Bessent didn’t give Krause and DOGE any limitation on its access to the system, which Lebryk opposed, according to a source familiar with the exchange.
Yet before the weekend was over, the Treasury Department told senators in Capitol Hill that the access Krause and others had to the Bureau of the Fiscal Service systems was “read-only.”
A lawyer from the Justice Department representing Treasury reaffirmed that in court this week, telling a federal judge on Wednesday the civil litigators believed the DOGE affiliates at Treasury — Krause and one underling, Marko Elez, a Musk employee in his mid-20s — didn’t have the ability to make changes to the Treasury payments system.
The lawyers were still nailing down information about the access DOGE had to the system, however, the attorney, Brad Humphreys of DOJ’s civil division, told the judge in Washington, DC, on Wednesday.
By Wednesday night, the Trump administration had agreed only the two DOGE affiliates at Treasury, Krause and Elez, could have access to the payment system, outside of its traditional access within the department.
The court also could order that Krause’s and Elez’s access is “read only,” the Justice Department agreed.
The Kansas City BFS office provides payment services for more than 250 federal agencies and is the conduit for an extraordinary swath of critical individual payments including tax refunds, social security benefits, veterans pay, pension and education benefits.
While the payment system may not be the most well-known piece of federal infrastructure, its centrality to the operations of the US government and the lives of millions of Americans is unparalleled. It’s also among the most secure.
Access to the agency’s Secure Payment System, or SPS, is closely held and authorized only for individuals who “have a need to know the information in order to perform their official Fiscal Service duties,” according to a 2021 government privacy and civil liberties assessment of the payments infrastructure. The system maintains an audit log of all users and additional security capabilities that allow monitoring, identification and ability to locate users.
That’s all fed what have been weeks of growing concern over the Musk team’s intention: Privacy issues given the reams of personal data that flow the system. National security issues related to contracting and federal employee payments. There are also conflict of interest concerns given Musk’s own companies have received billions in government contracts in an exceedingly competitive space across multiple agencies.
“The idea that ‘read-only’… is supposed to make people feel better is not shared by people who’ve worked there or understand how the systems actually work,” the former BFS career official said.
There is little margin for error when it comes to how the US pays its own bills, something that will become an even higher stakes task as Congress and the White House circle another battle over raising the debt limit.
This story has been updated with new reporting
In a shocking new development, emails have revealed that associates of Elon Musk sought to use a critical Treasury payment system to shut down USAID spending. The emails, which were obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, show that Musk’s associates were actively working to disrupt the flow of funds to the US Agency for International Development (USAID), a key government agency responsible for providing humanitarian assistance and development aid around the world.The emails show that Musk’s associates were particularly concerned about USAID’s spending on renewable energy projects, which they viewed as a threat to Musk’s own business interests in the energy sector. In one email, a member of Musk’s team wrote that they were “exploring options to disrupt USAID’s funding mechanisms” in order to “protect our market share and ensure that our technologies remain competitive.”
The revelation has sparked outrage among lawmakers and government officials, who have called for a full investigation into Musk’s ties to USAID and the potential misuse of government resources for personal gain. Critics have also raised concerns about the influence that wealthy individuals like Musk have over government agencies and the potential for abuse of power.
As the story continues to unfold, it remains to be seen what consequences Musk and his associates may face for their actions. Stay tuned for updates on this developing story.
Tags:
- Musk associates
- Treasury payment system
- USAID spending
- Emails
- Shutdown attempt
- Government funding
- Financial manipulation
- Tech industry influence
- Corruption allegations
- Whistleblower revelations
#Musk #associates #sought #critical #Treasury #payment #system #shut #USAID #spending #emails #show
Bobby Witt Jr.’s omission from ‘The Show’ cover, Phillies’ upcoming big decisions and more MLB notes
An earlier version of this article described incorrectly the 2025 luxury-tax ramifications of an extension for Vladimir Guerrero Jr. The article has been updated.
Baseball writers frequently are criticized for their Hall of Fame votes, their awards choices and whatever else fans are in a lather about on a particular day. Well, I’ve got a beef of my own with Sony Interactive Entertainment, which recently selected Pittsburgh Pirates right-hander Paul Skenes, Baltimore Orioles shortstop Gunnar Henderson and Cincinnati Reds shortstop Elly De La Cruz for the cover of MLB The Show 25.
You guys ever hear of Bobby Witt Jr.?
Sony wanted to showcase young stars. Skenes, the 2024 NL Rookie of the Year; Henderson, the 2023 AL Rookie of the Year; and De La Cruz, one of the game’s most electrifying talents, certainly were worthy choices. But Witt, who finished second in the 2024 AL MVP voting, two places ahead of Henderson, is more accomplished than any of the players who were honored.
At 24, Witt is a year older than Henderson, 18 months older than De La Cruz and two years older than Skenes. Maybe Sony determined Witt was not young enough for the honor? Maybe it thinks 24 is the new 34?
Then again, Sony does not always make obvious picks. Jazz Chisholm Jr. was the cover choice in 2023, which might have contributed to him getting named the most overrated player of 2024 in The Athletic’s annual MLB Player Poll.
“There’s a huge pool of talented players in MLB which always makes choosing a cover athlete difficult for us at Sony Interactive Entertainment and San Diego Studio,” an SIE public relations representative said.
“Even though we chose three players for the first time in the history of the franchise, there are always deserving guys that don’t make the cover. We couldn’t be more thrilled to have Paul, Gunnar and Elly grace the cover.”
Maybe next year, Bobby. Another nine or 10 WAR season would be difficult to ignore.
Big decisions await Phillies
Compared to recent offseasons, the Philadelphia Phillies have been a little boring. President of baseball operations David Dombrowski accomplished his stated goals, adding Jordan Romano to be a late-inning right-hander, Max Kepler to play left field and Jesús Luzardo and Joe Ross to boost the starting rotation.
Still, as The Athletic’s Matt Gelb notes, this is the first time since 2016-17 that the Phillies did not sign a free agent to a multiyear deal. Next offseason, with nearly $75 million coming off the payroll, figures to be different.
That number is somewhat deceptive. The Phillies likely will want to keep two of their potential free agents, designated hitter Kyle Schwarber, who ranks third in homers behind Aaron Judge and Shohei Ohtani the past two seasons, and catcher J.T. Reamuto, who plays a position where the Phillies lack internal alternatives.
Bryce Harper (left) and Kyle Schwarber (right) are among the Phillies’ core players now in their early 30s. (Bill Streicher / Imagn Images)The problem is that by 2026, the Phillies’ roster will be aging. Schwarber will be 33 that season, Realmuto 35. Zack Wheeler will be 36, Aaron Nola, Trea Turner and Bryce Harper 33. The incorporation of prospects such as right-hander Andrew Painter and shortstop Aidan Miller should help. But the Phillies also might need to add a free agent or two in their primes. Right fielder Kyle Tucker, who will hit the open market next offseason while turning 29, could make particular sense.
The Phillies, in fact, should have plenty of reason to go big in ‘26, the last year of the current collective bargaining agreement. In the worst-case scenario, an owners’ lockout could wipe out part or all of the 2027 season. In a more optimistic scenario, a new CBA would include luxury tax rules that are less cumbersome. And after the ‘26 season, the Phillies’ payroll will be even more flexible, with a combined $38 million between right fielder Nick Castellanos and righty Taijuan Walker coming off the books.
Consider this offseason, then, something of a pause. To maximize their current window, the Phillies are going to need to spend. And be creative. And be smart.
In San Diego, a continuing mystery
San Diego Padres general manager A.J. Preller made an interesting comment at the team’s FanFest over the weekend, saying the club needed to add “a bat or two” and an “arm or two.”
Makes sense. But who?
Of the 40 free agents on The Athletic’s Big Board, only six are unsigned — first baseman Pete Alonso, third baseman Alex Bregman, right-hander Nick Pivetta, lefties Andrew Heaney and José Quintana and outfielder Alex Verdugo.
Alonso and Bregman do not fit either the Padres’ roster or their budget. Pivetta, who rejected a qualifying offer, would cost the team a draft pick, not ideal for a team with the game’s sixth-worst farm system, according to The Athletic’s Keith Law. Heaney, Quintana and Verdugo might hold appeal, but none is a difference-maker.
As Peter Seidler’s widow battles with his brothers for control of the club, Preller’s ability to maneuver is unclear. He has signed only one free agent to a major-league contract, catcher Elias Díaz for the modest sum of $3.5 million. He also has discussed trades for his top potential free agents, infielder Luis Arraez and right-handers Dylan Cease and Michael King. But do the Padres need to subtract to add? Might they add and then subtract? Do they need to subtract at all?
The team is over the $241 million luxury tax threshold, with a payroll that is higher than last season largely because several holdovers are due to receive significant raises. Club officials say they are operating as if it’s “business as usual,” but Preller typically is not this inactive. And the structure of King’s new one-year, $7.75 million contract, with $3.75 million coming in a buyout of a mutual option at the end of the season, reflects a team that appears to be at least somewhat restricted financially.
Tax trouble looming in Toronto?
The Toronto Blue Jays’ luxury-tax payroll, by Fangraphs’ estimation, stands at $273.3 million. Which raises the question: Could the Jays sign a prominent free agent such as Alonso or Bregman, extend first baseman Vladimir Guerrero Jr. and still remain under the highest luxury-tax threshold of $301 million?
The answer is yes. Guerrero already is locked in for 2025 at $28.5 million. The Jays could sign him to an extension beginning in 2026, and even if they included a signing bonus, it would not count against their 2025 luxury-tax payroll. When the Boston Red Sox signed third baseman Rafael Devers to a 10-year, $313.5 million extension in Jan. 2023, his deal began in ‘24. And the portion of his signing bonus the Red Sox paid in ‘23 was factored into his future AAVs.
The Jays have accomplished quite a bit this offseason, trading for Andrés Giménez and signing four free agents – outfielder Anthony Santander, right-hander Max Scherzer and relievers Yimi García and Jeff Hoffman. Considering others who rejected them, from Roki Sasaki to Corbin Burnes to Juan Soto, they hardly are guaranteed to land Alonso or Bregman. Neither signing alone would figure to put them over the highest threshold, the so-called “Steve Cohen Tax,” but any additional moves might.
Maybe the Jays would not care about exceeding the highest threshold. They avoided the tax last season, so they would be treated as a first-time offender, paying 80 percent for each dollar they spent over $301 million. Perhaps more concerning: They are within $8 million of the second-highest threshold, which would move back their top draft pick 10 places in the draft order.
These are first-world problems. If the Jays landed Alonso or Bregman and extended Guerrero, they probably would not worry about short-term sacrifices. Shortstop Bo Bichette and right-hander Chris Bassitt will come off the payroll after this season, outfielder George Springer after the next. And, at least for 2025, Toronto could field a rather interesting team.
Around the horn
• The Kansas City Royals were not the only team that tried to sign free-agent outfielder Anthony Santander to a shorter deal. The Los Angeles Angels also made a run at Santander, proposing three- and four-year concepts, according to sources briefed on the discussions.
Santander instead opted for a five-year, $92.5 million contract with the Blue Jays, two-thirds of which was deferred. The deferrals lowered his present-day value to about $71.5 million for luxury-tax purposes and $68.6 million according to the union, which uses a different discount rate. Santander would have at least approached those numbers with the Royals or Angels. But his total payout would have been lower.
The Angels’ pursuit of Santander is the latest indication of the team continuing to explore upgrades. The addition of a free-agent closer such as Kenley Jansen or Kyle Finnegan is one possibility. But the Angels might prefer to simply go with Ben Joyce, 24, and sign a veteran setup man such as Andrew Chafin or Phil Maton instead.
• The Athletic first reported on Jan. 11 the willingness of both Santander and right-hander Jack Flaherty to sign short-term. Santander subsequently rejected shorter offers and Flaherty on Sunday night agreed to agreed to one, a two-year, $35 million deal with the Detroit Tigers that includes an opt-out after one year.
Flaherty, 29, was the youngest of the 15 domestic starting pitchers on The Athletic’s Free-Agent Big Board. Yet, he failed to command a satisfactory long-term deal even though he was ineligible for a qualifying offer after getting traded in the middle of a season. If healthy, he seems almost certain to opt out. By making 15 starts, he will increase his player option for 2026 from $10 million to $20 million. The latter number, however, still would be $5 million below his 2025 salary, and almost certainly below the qualifying offer as well.
Part of the Tigers’ calculus in signing Flaherty is that they can extend him a QO, which this offseason was $21.05 million. The qualifying offer probably would not hinder Flaherty if he produced a second straight impressive season, something he last did in 2018-19. But it would be a new obstacle, one free agents prefer to avoid.
• Right-hander Nick Pivetta, a modestly accomplished starter, is precisely the kind of free agent who is at risk when he rejects a QO. Teams value their draft picks, often to the point of overvaluing them. So they figure: Is Pivetta worth three years, $15 million if we’re losing the pick? Three years, $18 million? Where is the sweet spot?
The potential for a lockout in 2027 further complicates matters. A team might be less willing to go three years on Pivetta when three might turn into two, again with the loss of at least one pick. The potential for a lockout in 2027 further complicates matters. A team might be less willing to go three years on Pivetta when three might turn into two, again with the loss of at least one pick. Pivetta could wait until after the draft to sign, eliminating draft-pick compensation. But that option, never great to begin with, became even more impractical when the league moved the draft from early June to mid-July in 2021.
• A number of free-agent hitters are on hold while waiting for Alonso and Bregman to make their decisions. Among them: Justin Turner, Yoan Moncada, Randal Grichuk and Ty France. The available hitters also include Harrison Bader, Mark Canha, David Peralta, Tommy Pham and Anthony Rizzo.
(Top photo of Bobby Witt Jr.: Jamie Squire / Getty Images)
As the MLB season continues to heat up, there have been several notable developments that have caught the attention of fans and analysts alike. One of the biggest talking points has been the omission of top prospect Bobby Witt Jr. from the cover of the popular video game ‘The Show’. Despite his impressive performance in the minors and high expectations for his future in the league, many were surprised to see him left off the cover in favor of other players.Meanwhile, the Philadelphia Phillies are facing some big decisions as they navigate their way through the season. With a talented roster that has underperformed at times, the team will have to make some tough choices in the coming weeks to stay competitive in a tough division. Whether it’s making trades, lineup changes, or managerial decisions, the Phillies will need to be strategic in order to make a push for the playoffs.
In other MLB news, several teams are making waves with their performances on the field. The San Francisco Giants continue to surprise everyone with their strong play, while the New York Yankees have struggled to find their footing. With the trade deadline looming, teams will have to assess their strengths and weaknesses in order to make the right moves to bolster their rosters for a playoff push.
As the season progresses, there will undoubtedly be more twists and turns in the MLB landscape. Stay tuned for more updates and analysis on all the latest news and developments in the world of baseball.
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Bobby Witt Jr., MLB, The Show, Phillies, MLB notes, baseball, upcoming decisions, sports news, MLB updates, player omission, baseball prospects, MLB prospects, baseball cover, sports analysis, MLB season, baseball news, MLB rumors, baseball draft, baseball draft prospects
#Bobby #Witt #Jr.s #omission #Show #cover #Phillies #upcoming #big #decisions #MLB #notesColin Cowherd Had to Quickly Bail From Live FS1 Show After Getting ‘Very, Very Sick’
Monday’s episode of The Herd with Colin Cowherd was set to be a barnburner as the sports world is still buzzing from the blockbuster Luka Doncic-Anthony Davis trade. It’s one of those days where the three hours of airtime isn’t nearly enough to hold all the angles and takes. Unfortunately, Cowherd was only able to make it through the first few minutes on FS1 before being forced to leave because of illness.
“Folks, I’m going to take a break,” Cowherd said during his initial segment. “I am getting very, very sick very, very quickly on the set and we will return.”
Colin Cowherd had to leave his show during the first segment, hopefully he feels better soon. pic.twitter.com/qkqBZldc98
— Awful Announcing (@awfulannouncing) February 3, 2025
FS1 quickly went to a lengthy commercial break during which time Jason McIntyre assumed the host desk.
Hosting a national sports talk show while being even slightly under the weather doesn’t sound like a great time because it takes a ton of energy and focus. Doing it while trying to decide in the moment if it’s even possible to go on is marketly worse.
Hopefully Cowherd makes a speedy recovery and can back on set soon.
Colin Cowherd Had to Quickly Bail From Live FS1 Show After Getting ‘Very, Very Sick’Colin Cowherd, host of “The Herd” on Fox Sports 1, had to abruptly leave his live show after falling ill on air. Cowherd, known for his hot takes and controversial opinions, was visibly struggling during the broadcast and eventually had to step away from the desk.
According to reports, Cowherd was feeling “very, very sick” and had to be escorted off the set by production staff. Viewers were left shocked and concerned as the show quickly cut to commercial break.
Cowherd’s sudden departure raised questions about his health and well-being, with fans taking to social media to express their support and well wishes for the popular sports commentator.
As of now, there has been no official statement from Cowherd or Fox Sports 1 about his condition or when he will be returning to the show. We can only hope for a speedy recovery for Colin Cowherd and that he will be back on our screens soon.
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Colin Cowherd, FS1, live show, sick, illness, emergency exit, unexpected, health scare, television, broadcasting, sports commentary, Fox Sports, sudden departure, illness on air, Colin Cowherd sick on set.
#Colin #Cowherd #Quickly #Bail #Live #FS1 #Show #SickColin Cowherd says he’s getting ‘very, very sick’ on set of FS1 show
Colin Cowherd hosts his own talk show for 3 hours every weekday on FS1. Love him or hate him, the guy shows up and talks by himself with very few breaks.
On Monday’s show, however, Cowherd didn’t look so hot. That was confirmed by the host himself toward the end of a segment about the blockbuster NBA trade sending Luka Doncic to the Lakers in exchange for Anthony Davis.
As you can see below, Cowherd was struggling through the segment and eventually said he was getting sick and needed to cut to commercial:
“Folks, I am going to take a break,” Cowherd said suddenly. “I am getting very, very sick very, very quickly on the set. We will return.”
As you can see in this video, he wasn’t looking so hot earlier in the segment, either:
When the show came back from a lengthy commercial break, Jason Mcintyre was in the host’s chair. He said Cowherd was feeling under the weather and was relaxing in a dressing room.
The show’s official social media account confirmed that Cowherd was OK shortly thereafter, acknowledging that Mcintyre would be hosting the rest of Monday’s show:
Hopefully Cowherd can return to the show later this week. With the Super Bowl on Sunday, you know this is a week he doesn’t want to miss.
Adam is a daily fantasy sports (DFS) and sports betting expert. A 2012 graduate of the University of Missouri, Adam now covers all 14 SEC football teams. He is the director of DFS, evergreen and newsletter content across all Saturday Football brands.
Colin Cowherd, the outspoken sports commentator and host of “The Herd” on FS1, revealed on a recent episode that he has been feeling under the weather while filming the show.Cowherd, known for his hot takes and strong opinions on all things sports, admitted that he has been struggling with an illness that has been affecting his performance on set.
“I don’t know what’s going on, but I am getting very, very sick on set,” Cowherd said. “I’ve been feeling off for the past few days and it’s starting to really impact my ability to do the show.”
Despite his illness, Cowherd assured viewers that he is doing everything he can to push through and continue delivering the content that fans have come to expect from him.
Fans of the show took to social media to send their well wishes and support to Cowherd, with many expressing concern for his health and urging him to take care of himself.
As Cowherd continues to battle his illness, viewers can expect to see him powering through and providing his unique brand of sports commentary on “The Herd.”
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#Colin #Cowherd #hes #sick #set #FS1 #show
Kinda Pregnant: Amy Schumer fakes a pregnancy in bizarre Netflix show
Amy Schumer will star in bizarre Netflix comedy movie Kinda Pregnant, which finds her faking a pregnancy after feeling jealous of her best friend, only to fall in love while she’s knee deep in the whole charade.
This is the latest in Schumer’s offbeat comedy roles, which have included 2015’s Trainwreck where she plays a young magazine writer who doesn’t believe that marriage or relationships hold any value, enter Bill Hader‘s character Dr Aaron Conners. I Feel Pretty saw her play an insecure woman whose injury from a nasty fall has an interesting side effect – she now finally believes she is beautiful, and makes all life decisions based on that confidence.
We’re interested to see what kind of comedic spin Amy puts on being “kinda pregnant”. Here’s everything else so far about the movie.
Kinda Pregnant plot
According to IMDB’s synopsis, Kinda Pregnant “follows Lainy, who, being jealous of her best friend’s pregnancy, begins to wear a false pregnant belly – and accidentally gets to meet the man of her dreams”.
Netflix
Kinda Pregnant cast
Joining Amy will be Jillian Bell, Will Forte, Damon Wayans Jr, Brianne Howey, Alex Moffat (Saturday Night Live, Bad Monkey), Joel David Moore (Avatar), Lizze Broadway (Gen V), and Urzila Carlson.
Netflix
Kinda Pregnant release date
The film will drop on Netflix on 5 February.
Kinda Pregnant trailer
As well as a full-length trailer, Netflix also recently dropped a sneak peek at a key scene from Kinda Pregnant. Before she begins the fake pregnancy, Amy’s character, Lainy, is told by her best friend that she’s pregnant, and it’s safe to say she does not react well.
Amy Schumer has always been known for her comedic antics and unfiltered sense of humor, but her latest project takes things to a whole new level. In her new Netflix show, “Kinda Pregnant,” Schumer plays a woman who fakes a pregnancy for the ultimate prank.The show follows Schumer’s character as she pretends to be pregnant, fooling her friends, family, and even her own husband. As the pregnancy progresses, the lies and deception become more elaborate, leading to hilarious and outrageous situations.
But things take a unexpected turn when Schumer’s character starts to actually develop symptoms of pregnancy, throwing her carefully constructed ruse into chaos. As she navigates the ups and downs of her fake pregnancy, Schumer’s character must confront the consequences of her actions and decide whether the truth is worth risking everything she has built.
“Kinda Pregnant” is a wild and wacky ride that pushes the boundaries of comedy and explores the lengths people will go to for a laugh. With Schumer at the helm, viewers can expect plenty of laughs, surprises, and heartwarming moments along the way.
So buckle up and get ready for a wild ride with Amy Schumer in “Kinda Pregnant,” streaming now on Netflix.
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‘Crisis communications’: emails show how NFL’s Saints and NBA’s Pelicans helped New Orleans church spin abuse scandal | New Orleans clergy abuse
Illustration: Mike McQuade/The Guardian High-level executives with the NFL’s New Orleans Saints football team and the NBA’s Pelicans basketball team had a deeper role than previously known in connection with a list of priests and deacons faced with credible allegations of child molestation while the clergymen worked with their city’s Roman Catholic archdiocese, the Guardian and reporting partner WWL Louisiana can reveal.
According to highly sensitive emails that were obtained by the outlets, one top executive even described a conversation with the New Orleans district attorney at the time that allowed them to remove clergy names from the list – though the clubs deny their official participated in that discussion, and the prosecutor back then vehemently denies he would ever have weighed in on the list’s content.
The emails call into question prior and newly issued statements by New Orleans’ two major professional sports franchises as they denied being overly entwined in the archdiocese’s most damning affairs – while fighting to keep their communications with the church out of public view.
After first seeing the so-called Saints emails in 2019 through a subpoena, abuse survivors’ attorneys alleged that the two franchises’ top officials had a significant hand in trying to minimize what was then a public-relations nightmare for the city’s archdiocese – but has since triggered a full-blown child sex-trafficking investigation aimed at the church by law enforcement.
The initial allegations about the emails led to local and national media investigations, including by Sports Illustrated and the Associated Press, that highlighted a fierce closeness between the sports franchises and the Catholic church in New Orleans.
Perhaps the strongest manifestation of that closeness was New Orleans archbishop Gregory Aymond’s serving as a signing witness on the testamentary will that positioned Gayle Benson to inherit ownership of the Saints and Pelicans from her late billionaire husband, Tom. The will also gave key positions in Tom Benson’s estate to the teams’ president, Dennis Lauscha, and top spokesperson, Greg Bensel.
The Saints’ proximity to the church spurred protests by clergy-abuse survivors in front of the team’s headquarters and at the offices of one of the oldest Catholic archdioceses in the US.
Members of the Survivors Network of Those Abused by Priests outside the New Orleans Saints and Pelicans training facility in Metairie, Louisiana, in 2020. Photograph: Matthew Hinton/AP Yet what remained hidden until now are more than 300 emails, amounting to more than 700 pages, many emblazoned with the NFL and NBA logos, showing that the teams’ officials were more involved with some of the church’s operations than they ever admitted. They expose how extensively the sports teams’ leaders intervened in their local church’s most unyielding scandal.
In the most blatant example of that, Bensel – the teams’ vice-president for communications – wrote an email to Lauscha on 1 November 2018, the day before the clergy-abuse list was released. Using common abbreviations for “conference call” and “with”, Bensel wrote: “Had a cc w [New Orleans’ then district attorney] Leon Cannizzaro last night that allowed us to take certain people off the list.”
But the teams said in a 2020 statement: “No one associated with our organizations made recommendations or had input on the individual names of those disclosed on the list.”
On Saturday, the team also said: “No Saints employee had any responsibility for adding or removing any names from that list or any supplemental list. Nor did any Saints employee offer any input, suggestions or opinions as to who should be included or omitted from any such lists. Any suggestion that any Saints employee had any role in removing anyone from the archdiocese’s published lists of credibly-accused clergy is categorically false.”
Meanwhile, when WWL Louisiana and the Associated Press asked him separately in 2020 if he had any input on the contents of the list, Cannizzaro – a self-described pious, practicing Catholic – denied it.
“No,” Cannizzaro told WWL when asked that question. “We simply requested information from them. We requested documents from them, and they provided us documents of people that they believe were responsible for abuse.”
Through an email from a spokesperson, Cannizzaro said to an Associated Press reporter that “he was not consulted about the composition of the archdiocese’s ‘credibly accused’ list nor did he or anyone from [his] office have input into its assembly”.
Thank you Greg … I am certain [Archbishop Aymond] will appreciate it
Gayle Benson in a reply to an offer by Greg Bensel to help Aymond with ‘crisis communications’
More recently, the Guardian obtained a typed phone message left for Cannizzaro at his office showing the archdiocese contacted him for comment requesting follow up “on conversation you had with Archbishop Aymond”. The date left on the message was 29 October 2018, four days before Aymond released the clergy-abuse list.
Cannizzaro, for his part, said he isn’t sure he has ever met Bensel and “did not at any time ask the archdiocese or tell the Saints to tell the archdiocese … ‘remove this name from the list’.”
“I would not have done that,” said Cannizzaro, who is now the chief of the criminal cases division at the Louisiana state attorney general’s office. “That’s just not something I would have done.”
Another revelation in the emails: the sports franchises took the initiative to protect Aymond’s flagging reputation in the summer of 2018 without his asking for that, before the archbishop announced plans to release the names of dozens of abusive clergymen.
Bensel sent an email in July of that year to Gayle Benson asking her to let him help Aymond with “crisis communications”. Benson – who counts Aymond as one of her best personal friends – replied to Bensel that same day: “Thank you Greg … I am certain he will appreciate it.”
The pair exchanged those emails the day after a damaging story about a deacon who had repeatedly faced criminal charges of child sexual abuse being allowed to read at masses – triggering one of multiple scandals in 2018 which pressured the church into releasing a list of credibly accused clergymen as a gesture of conciliation and transparency.
New Orleans Pelicans and Saints owner Gayle Benson next to the teams’ senior vice-president of communications, Greg Bensel, in New Orleans in 2022. Photograph: Matthew Hinton/AP Benson claimed in 2020 that Bensel only got involved in the local church’s messaging after being “asked if he would help the archdiocese prepare for the media relative to the release of clergy names involved in the abuse scandal”.
On Saturday, an attorney for the Saints said Bensel did so in part at the suggestion of New Orleans-based federal judge Jay Zainey, a devout Catholic – who, according to the emails and time stamps from them, would have had to make that entreaty offline before the article on the abusive deacon was published or very shortly thereafter. Zainey has previously publicly acknowledged making such a suggestion, though he declined further comment on Saturday.
The team’s attorneys on Saturday also said “other local civic leaders” asked Bensel to assist the archdiocese, though the lawyers did not say exactly when those requests were made.
On Saturday, as they have done before, the Saints said Bensel’s role was limited to “public relations assistance provided to the archdiocese of New Orleans … in anticipation of press interest in the publication of a list of clergy who were credibly accused of abuse” on 2 November 2018.
Bensel himself at one point wrote in the emails that he was presenting himself “not as the communications person for the Saints/Pelicans but as a parent, New Orleanian and member of the Catholic Church” – as well as a personal friend of Aymond. And the Saints on Saturday emphasized that “no compensation from the archdiocese was expected or received in return for Mr Bensel’s assistance”.
But Bensel communicated directly with local media about their coverage of the clergy-abuse crisis using his Saints.NFL.com email address, bearing a signature line displaying two of the most recognizable logos in sports: the NFL’s shield and the NBA’s silhouette of a dribbling ball player. Lauscha and Benson used their Saints.NFL.com email addresses throughout the communications, too.
And the emails also show Benson, Lauscha and Bensel continued to coordinate with the archdiocese on how to respond to news stories about the clergy-abuse crisis or other topics involving the organizations’ leaders for at least eight more months beyond the list’s release.
On 21 June 2019, Bensel sent an email complaining that he did not “get paid enough” because he had to prepare the archbishop for an upcoming interview with New Orleans’ Advocate newspaper about clergy-abuse lawsuits and their effect on the church’s coffers. The regular email exchanges between team officials and the archdiocese ended only in July 2019, after a subpoena for the communications was issued to the Saints and the NFL by attorneys for clergy-abuse survivors who had detected evidence of them while pressing a lawsuit for damages on behalf of a victim.
With the backing of various allies – including Benson, Zainey and future federal judge Wendy Vitter, then the archdiocese’s general counsel – the Saints and Pelicans officials used their influence to lean heavily on prominent figures in the local media establishment, pushing for them to soften their news coverage of Aymond, the emails show.
Casting a critical eye on [Aymond] is neither beneficial nor right
Greg Bensel in a July 2018 letter to editors at the Times-Picayune and the Advocate newspapers
Bensel also sought to convince media outlets to limit their scrutiny of a list that turned out to be so incomplete it eventually precipitated a joint federal and state law enforcement investigation into whether the archdiocese spent decades operating a child sex-trafficking ring whose crimes were illegally covered up.
“Casting a critical eye on [Aymond] is neither beneficial nor right,” Bensel wrote in a July 2018 letter to editors at the Times-Picayune and the Advocate, the two daily New Orleans newspapers in existence back then.
A year later, when an Advocate reporter emailed Bensel seeking a comment from the Saints and Pelicans about the subpoena issued to them and their powerful leagues, Bensel quickly forwarded it directly to the owner of that newspaper, John Georges, after unsuccessfully, and sarcastically, suggesting the journalist ask Georges for comment instead.
The Saints’ officials statement on Saturday did not answer questions about Bensel’s remark to the reporter or his overture to Georges.
The statement from the team’s lawyer said “no member of the Saints organization condones or wants to cover up the abuse that occurred in the archdiocese of New Orleans”.
Separately, a statement from the Advocate and the Times-Picayune – which Georges has since acquired – said: “No one gets preferential treatment in our coverage of the news. Over the past six years, we have consistently published in-depth stories highlighting the ongoing serious issues surrounding the archdiocese sex abuse crisis, as well as investigative reports on this matter by WWL [Louisiana] and by the Associated Press.”
Some of those WWL Louisiana reports the newspaper ran were produced in partnership with the Guardian.
The newspapers’ statement said: “As the largest local media company in Louisiana, we often hear from community leaders, and we welcome that engagement, but it does not dilute our journalistic standards or keep us from pursuing the truth.”
A statement from the archdiocese on Saturday echoed the Saints and Cannizzaro in saying “no one from the [team] or the New Orleans district attorney’s office had any role in compiling the [credibly accused] list or had any say in adding or removing anyone from the list”. It also characterized Bensel’s role from 2018 to 2019 as assisting “with media relations”, for which neither he nor the archdiocese were provided compensation.
‘Dark days’
The emails – obtained by the Guardian, WWL Louisiana, the Associated Press and the New York Times – came after Aymond tied his archdiocese to the lucrative sports teams owned by Benson in a way rarely, if ever, seen in the world of sports.
A famously devout Catholic, prominent church donor and philanthropist who recently won an NFL humanitarian award, Benson inherited the Saints and Pelicans after her husband, Tom Benson, died at age 90 in March 2018. He bought the Saints in 1985 and the Pelicans in 2012. He threatened to move the Saints after Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans in 2005 but was convinced to stay.
Tom Benson then became a hero and symbol of the city’s recovery from Katrina in 2010, when the Saints won their first – and so far only – Super Bowl title, igniting one of the region’s most ebullient celebrations ever.
In Tom Benson’s final years, his children and grandchildren from a previous marriage squared off with Gayle, his third wife, over who would inherit control of his teams and other businesses. Lauscha and Bensel were widely seen to have aligned themselves with Gayle in a struggle that she won. And the succession plan that Tom Benson settled on in her benefit was laid out in a will.
It left Gayle Benson in control of the sports teams and made Lauscha executor of Tom’s estate. And in the event Lauscha ever became unwilling or unable to fulfill his duties, they essentially would be split among two others of those most trusted by the Bensons: longtime Saints general manager Mickey Loomis – and Bensel.
One of two witnesses to sign that will was Aymond.
Gayle Benson walks to receive the casket of her husband, Tom Benson, with Archbishop Gregory Aymond in New Orleans in 2018. Photograph: Gerald Herbert/AP And four months after the will took effect upon Benson’s death, a newspaper article about a local deacon and alleged serial child molester thrust Aymond into the center of the global Catholic church’s clergy-abuse scandal.
Published by the Advocate, the article questioned how the deacon, George Brignac, had been allowed to keep reading scripture at masses despite his removal from public ministry 20 years earlier. Church officials had removed Brignac from ministry in 1988 after he’d been arrested multiple times on child molestation charges. The article also reported that the archdiocese had paid $550,000 to settle civil legal claims with a survivor of Brignac’s abuse who would later pursue a criminal case against him, though the clergyman would die before he could face trial.
Subsequent reporting by WWL Louisiana and an Advocate journalist now at the Guardian found that the church had quietly paid at least 15 other victims of Brignac a total of roughly $3m to settle their civil damages over their abuse at the deacon’s hands. Those payments were among nearly $12m in abuse-related settlements that the archdiocese doled out during a 10-year period beginning in 2010.
Aymond immediately faced public backlash, with critics saying he had failed to live up to the promises of zero tolerance for clerical child molesters made by bishops across the US after a clergy-abuse and cover-up scandal had enveloped Boston’s Catholic archdiocese in 2002. He sought to limit the fallout by claiming that he was unaware that subordinates of his had brought Brignac back into a role that he insisted was largely inconsequential.
But later investigations by the Associated Press, WWL Louisiana and the Advocate showed Brignac had also been cleared to meet with – and present lessons to – children at a church school.
The Brignac revelations, however, were not the last of Aymond and the church’s problems. A grand jury report issued in Pennsylvania in August 2018 established that Catholic clergy abuse in that state had been more widespread than the public ever previously realized. Cardinal Theodore McCarrick – a former archbishop of Washington DC – resigned amid allegations of child molestation as well as other sexual abuse, though he would later be deemed incompetent to stand trial due to dementia.
And, in September 2018, the Advocate published a bombshell article about clergy abuse which implicated New Orleans’ Jesuit high school, the revered Catholic college preparatory from which both Lauscha and Bensel graduated.
The article outlined how the high school quietly paid settlements to people who claimed that priests or other school employees sexually abused them as children. The school faced some of the same criticisms lobbed at Aymond after Brignac’s exposure. Jesuit high school’s leader at the time defended the institution by condemning the cases in question as a “disgusting” chapter in the school’s history – but one that was left far in its past.
Bensel later wrote in an email to the school’s president that he was on Benson’s boat with Aymond when the story about Brignac came out – and the archbishop “was very troubled”.
“These are dark days,” Bensel continued.
The day after the Brignac story broke, Bensel wrote to Benson: “The issues that the Archbishop has to deal with that never involve him,” on top of a link to – and an attached copy of – the Advocate article about the molester deacon authored by a reporter now at the Associated Press.
The Saint Louis cathedral, the seat of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of New Orleans, and the city’s archbishop, Gregory Aymond. Composite: Angelica Alzona/Guardian Design; Photos via Getty Images/AP Benson wrote back suggesting that she had seen the article already. She said she had even spoken to Aymond about it “last week”, several days before its publication. “Archbishop is very upset,” Benson told Bensel. “A mess.”
Bensel told Benson he was available to Aymond if the archbishop “ever wants to chat crisis communications”.
“We have been through enough at [the] Saints to be a help or sounding board,” Bensel said, about six years after he guided the team through the infamous so-called Bountygate scandal that – among other consequences – resulted in the club’s coach at the time being suspended for an entire season. “But I don’t want to overstep!”
Benson replied: “Thank you Greg, I will pass this on to him. I am certain he will appreciate it. Many thanks.”
An August 2018 email that Benson sent to the Saints’ governmental liaison made clear how bad she felt for Aymond after the Brignac revelations. “Very sad he is going through this,” Benson wrote while sharing a separate letter by Aymond apologizing “for any wrongdoing by the church or its leadership”. The archbishop had issued the attached missive to a local chapter of a Catholic group called the Equestrian Order of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem, which traces its origins to the First Crusade in the 11th century.
Though Jesuit high school’s president back then, Christopher Fronk, later told a Sports Illustrated reporter now at the New York Times, “I never heard from the Saints on this issue” of church abuse, the emails show that he, too, was contacted by Bensel – just two days after his campus community was rocked by the September 2018 Advocate clergy molestation article.
“Speaking from personal experience after 23 years with the Saints, when the media and the public attack you at your core, it takes the resolve and focus of people like yourself to lead us to clarity,” Bensel wrote. “The church needs leaders like you and I just wanted to reach out and say you have the support of myself, Dennis and Mrs Benson.
“If I can offer any counsel on any issue, I am here for you.”
Fronk, who left Jesuit high school in early 2020, replied: “Thanks for your email. I appreciate it. The last couple of days have been long, and I have more ahead of me. I am relying on prayers and support from others. And I may be taking you up on your wise counsel.”
‘Work with him’
Most of the Saints’ communications about clergy abuse focused on Aymond’s handling of the issue. And the strategy that the archbishop ultimately settled on was one implemented in other US dioceses. He would release a list of priests and deacons who served in New Orleans over the years and had been the subject of credible child molestation accusations.
Aymond later told WWL Louisiana that he had contemplated such a maneuver a year before deciding to do so. And he claimed he would have reached that decision without the various local and national scandals consuming the Catholic church at the time, though he acknowledged they created pressure for him to act.
Whatever the case, Bensel recommended “transparency” – a wholehearted effort to come clean about the past abuses and apologize for them. And with the list’s release being announced weeks ahead of time, the church would come to count on Bensel to get local media outlets to focus more on hailing Aymond for taking such a courageous step rather than analyzing the roster’s thoroughness.
The campaign to set the media’s agenda began in earnest on 17 October 2018, when Bensel wrote to higher-ups at the Advocate as well as the Times-Picayune. He revealed to them that he had been “confidentially discussing the recent horrible issues that [Aymond] and the church are facing”. He also referred to chatting offline with the Advocate and Times-Picayune brass earlier that morning.
I am asking that YOU as the most influential newspaper in our state, please get behind [Archbishop Aymond] and work with him
Greg Bensel to higher-ups at the Advocate and the Times-Picayune newspapers
In his email to the newspapers, Bensel disclosed Aymond’s plan to out clergymen who “sadly betrayed their role and authority to minister to our children, the elderly and the sick”. And, though he anticipated the gesture would not “simply end all of the past and current suffering and questions”, he wrote that he had an urgent request for the outlets.
“I am asking that YOU as the most influential newspaper in our state, please get behind him and work with him,” Bensel said, in part. “We need to tell the story of how this Archbishop is leading us out of this mess. Casting a critical eye on him is neither beneficial nor right.”
He said the news media had helped the Saints maintain their footing in the NFL despite being in one of the league’s smallest markets. And he promised that Aymond would have an open-door policy, saying he is “accountable, available and wants to [e]ffect positive change”.
“We need your support moving forward as we go through this soon-to-be messy time as we work toward much, much brighter days ahead,” Bensel said. “Help us tell this story.”
The archbishop would later abandon that open-door policy. For years, Aymond has consistently declined interview requests from reporters at WWL Louisiana and the Guardian who have questioned his handling of the clergy-abuse crisis. He used the word “Satan” when referring to one of those journalists, the former Advocate staff member, in a text message to a third party that was obtained by the writer.
Bensel provided copies of the letters to the newspapers to Benson and Zainey, a sitting, locally based federal judge. The judge – a Jesuit high school alum who has served on the governing board of the New Orleans archdiocese-run college that educates prospective priests – replied: “Thanks very much Greg. You have hit all the points. By his example and leadership, Archbishop Aymond, our shepherd, will continue to lead our church in the right direction – helping us to learn and to rebuild from the mistakes of the past.”
Benson, too, praised Bensel’s tone: “Great letter Greg … spot on! Thank you very much.”
While it’s not clear when the paper first planned it, that same day the Times-Picayune published a column about the upcoming clergy-abuser list headlined: “Archbishop Aymond is doing the right thing.”
A day later, Bensel wrote to the columnist, saying: “very good column on Archbishop Aymond”.
Bensel then sent the column – along with the comments left under it by online users – to recipients including Aymond, Vitter (then still the archdiocese’s attorney) and Zainey. He said the comments – including one questioning “how come the church gets to decide who is ‘credibly accused’ and who is not” – were a valuable insight into the public’s psyche. And Bensel urged them not to “delve or hang on to the negative ones, [but] learn from them”.
Praying for the Saints victory. Very grateful for your help
Archbishop Aymond to Greg Bensel
The emails show how Bensel dedicated some of the following days to preparing Aymond for a meeting with editors of the Advocate, even while he was in Baltimore for a Saints game.
“Praying for the Saints victory. Very grateful for your help,” Aymond wrote to Bensel at the time.
Referring to the Advocate, Bensel urged Aymond to remember “they need you and you need them”. He said the goal of the gathering with the newspaper’s leadership should be to foster “a better relationship” and drive home how the church is providing “the best measures for a safe environment for our children”.
Bensel suggested that the archbishop “not mention … that the general perception is that the ADVOCATE IS UNFAIR to the Archdiocese of New Orleans”. He also promised to “make time” to converse with Aymond about his advice despite being in and out of meetings.
“POSITIVE POSITIVE POSITIVE,” Bensel wrote to Aymond. “INCLUSIVE ACCESSIBILITY ACCOUNTABILITY MOVING FORWARD.”
Benson, Zainey and Vitter – who is married to a former Republican US senator and had already been nominated to a federal judgeship by President Donald Trump in 2018 and was confirmed to the post the following year – were among those sent copies of correspondence about that meeting. “Excellent!” Benson remarked. “Many thanks!”
Zainey, who later publicly said he could not be sure whether he had ever been sent copies of any of the Saints emails, replied: “Thanks for the wonderful advice. The Arch[bishop]’s sincerity will open their minds and hearts.”
(Zainey later recused himself from any rulings directly involving the archdiocese. But then he went on to rule in a case involving a Catholic religious order that a 2021 Louisiana law enabling clergy-abuse survivors to seek damages over decades-old child molestation was unconstitutional. The state supreme court subsequently upheld the law’s constitutionality, effectively negating Zainey’s ruling.)
After Aymond’s conversation with the newspaper, and after checking in with “a few folks” at the outlet, Bensel emailed Vitter, Aymond and the archdiocese’s in-house spokesperson, Sarah McDonald, saying that “the Advocate editorial meeting was fruitful, positive and I believe will have a lasting impact”. He said: “Great job by you all.”
Yet Aymond would soon become incensed with the Advocate, which late that October published a roster of 16 clergymen who seemed to fit the criteria of the archbishop’s upcoming list based on publicly available news stories and court documents.
Aymond wrote that the piece caught him off-guard, and he was particularly upset with how the newspaper’s website had asked clergy-abuse victims to contact the outlet to tell their stories rather than direct them to the archdiocese “to allow a proper investigation”.
“I want to work with you, but we must both be transparent,” Aymond said. “Will people believe we are working together?”
Upon being provided a copy of Aymond’s missive to the newspaper, Bensel quickly replied: “This is a GREAT response.”
Emails show that the newspaper replied by saying it contacted McDonald prior to the publication of the report. The Advocate said it didn’t believe its editors’ earlier conversation with Aymond prevented it “from continuing … reporting”.
Nonetheless, the Advocate informed Aymond that it had taken offline the request for victims to contact the newspaper, saying it was a “last minute addition” by a digital editor.
Bensel later wrote to Aymond: “An excellent response from them.”
‘Allowed us to take certain people off the list’
The emails show that – 10 days before the documents were released – Aymond provided Bensel an early draft of a letter that the archbishop issued to churchgoers alongside his clergy-abuser list. Bensel replied with suggested changes in handwriting.
A notable one: The draft had made it a point to say most of the accusations involved in the list “go back 30, 40, 50 or more years”. Bensel suggested stronger language, asserting that those accusations went back “decades – 30, 40, 50 and even 70 years ago”.
The final letter evidently adopted that suggestion, reading: “Most of the accusations are from incidents that occurred decades ago, even as long as 70 years ago.”
At last, Aymond’s clergy-abuser list came out the day after Catholics observed the Feast of All Saints and New Orleans’ NFL team celebrated the 52nd anniversary of its founding.
Had a cc w Leon Cannizzaro last night that allowed us to take certain people off the [clergy-abuser] list
Greg Bensel to Dennis Lauscha, using common abbreviations for “conference call” and “with”, and referring to New Orleans’ district attorney at the time
The list – initially containing 57 names – was provided to media outlets that morning under an embargo, which prevents organizations from publishing information that was supplied to them prior to a specific time. And about three hours before that embargo expired, Lauscha emailed Bensel and asked: “Do you see any shockers on the list? Did your SJ you discussed yesterday make the list? The former Loyola president is the biggest shock to me.”
Bensel’s quick reply did not address to whom “SJ” refers, though the letters are the initials of the Jesuit religious order’s formal name, the Society of Jesus. It also doesn’t comment on Bernard Knoth, a former president of the Jesuits’ Loyola University New Orleans, who was included on the clergy-abuser list.
The Saints attorney’s statement on Saturday said Lauscha was referring to a clergyman “rumored to have been accused of abuse [and] was expected to be on the list”.
Dennis Lauscha. Photograph: WWLTV “It is Mr Lauscha’s understanding that the clergyman to whom he referred in his query to Mr Bensel was included on the list on a supplemental list,” the statement said.
Regardless, back in early November 2018, Bensel’s reply read: “Had a cc w Leon Cannizzaro last night that allowed us to take certain people off the list.
“This list will get updated, and that is our message that we will not stop here today.”
The Guardian asked Cannizzaro about a 29 October 2018 typed message informing him of a call from Vitter. Vitter was “following up on conversation you had with Archbishop Aymond”, said the message left for Cannizzaro just four days before the list’s release.
“If I was in a conversation with him, I would’ve been looking for any records he would have had relative to complaints made against priests so we could reach out to those victims to see if there was a prosecutable case,” Cannizzaro said.
Meanwhile, Cannizzaro has denied a conversation with Bensel or any of his colleagues ever took place, including recently when he said in an interview: “I was not on any conference call with anybody from the Saints about this.
“I do not ever remember having a conversation with the Saints about any case going on with our office” at that specific time.
The Saints lawyer’s statement on Saturday also said that no one from the team spoke with Cannizzaro. Instead, Bensel’s email to Lauscha referred “to a conversation that he was told had occurred between a member of the staff of the archdiocese and … Cannizzaro, concerning the list”.
“Mr Bensel has no firsthand knowledge of what was said by anyone during the conversation or in any communication between the archdiocese and the district attorney’s office,” said the Saints lawyer’s statement. “The … email refers to Mr Bensel’s understanding that the list would be updated by the archdiocese.
“It was also Mr Bensel’s understanding that one purpose the archdiocese had in consulting with [Cannizzaro’s] office was to determine whether disclosure of any member of the clergy under consideration for inclusion on the list would interfere with a criminal investigation. Neither Mr Bensel nor any member of the Saints organization was involved in the determinations made by the archdiocese.”
‘A strong and faithful message’
On the day of the list’s release, McDonald had also asked Bensel to join Aymond as the archbishop gave interviews to local media outlets that they could not publish prior to the expiration of the embargo imposed on the document. “The archbishop would appreciate you being there for the Advocate especially,” McDonald wrote to Bensel.
“I have blocked out the entire morning,” Bensel replied. “I will see you there.”
In advance of those embargoed interviews, Lauscha sent Bensel 13 tough questions that Aymond should be prepared to answer. Lauscha suggested deflecting if asked about the number of listed credibly accused clergymen by answering, “One abuse is too many.”
“Excellent,” Bensel replied to Lauscha, before forwarding the questions to McDonald as well as Vitter.
The Saints’ statement on Saturday said: “The questions that Mr Lauscha suggested were intended to encourage openness and transparency.”
Bensel attended the Advocate’s and WWL Louisiana’s separate embargoed interviews with Aymond. In the conversation with the Advocate, Aymond did remark: “One incident is too many.”
Bensel remained silent during the interviews with both outlets. However, at some point later that morning, he emailed a Saints employee who had previously worked for the publisher of the Advocate.
“I want [the Advocate publisher] to write a positive opinion about how this archbishop has handled the transparency of releasing these names and his diligence in making this right,” Bensel wrote to the Saints employee. “Will call to discuss.”
There is no indication in the emails that the conversation Bensel sought took place. But the Advocate did publish an opinion column concluding with the words: “Transparency about grave wrongdoing, however painful, is the best way to help victims, serve parishioners, and support the work of the many church clerics who have brought joy, rather than suffering, to the people they promised to serve.”
I hope the Picayune would show [Archbishop Aymond] … some support in an editorial
Greg Bensel to the Times-Picayune opinion editor
Bensel also wrote to the Times-Picayune’s opinion editor, saying: “Today the Archbishop met face to face with all of the media – he sent a strong and faithful message!
“I hope the Picayune would show him – the man – some support in an editorial – our community listens and values [what] you all have to say!!”
The Times-Picayune’s next couple of print editions did not contain such an editorial. But as part of its news coverage about the list, the newspaper did publish a letter in its entirety by Christopher Fronk, Jesuit high school’s then president, that expressed support for Aymond’s release of the document, which contained the names of several abusive priests who had worked at Jesuit high school. Fronk’s letter hailed the disclosure as having been carried out in “a spirit of reconciliation and transparency”.
Once the list’s embargo expired, Aymond granted his only live, on-air interview that day to radio talkshow host Newell Normand, a former sheriff of a suburban New Orleans area – at Bensel’s urging.
Normand’s employer, WWL Radio, has long held the exclusive rights to the Saints’ local broadcasts. And Bensel brokered the conversation between Normand and Aymond through emails involving the director of the radio station, which – despite its call letters – is not affiliated with WWL Louisiana, the TV channel.
McDonald, the archdiocese spokesperson, sent Bensel eight questions to “share with Newell to cover” two days before the interview. Bensel replied to McDonald, copied Normand as well as the host’s station director, and told the radio outlet’s employees: “These questions are a great framework for Newell.”
“Love my Di,” Bensel wrote to the station director, referring to her by a nickname, after the organizations all agreed to the interview. She responded: “Love you too, GB.”
Normand later asked Aymond at least four of the eight proposed questions in a fashion that was substantially similar – though not necessarily verbatim – to what the church suggested. The rest, Aymond answered unprompted.
The suggested questions covered how law enforcement had been provided with a copy of the list; what emotions Aymond was experiencing that day; how the roster “is accurate” but may expand; and that adequate measures were in place for the archdiocese to protect children. Aymond said on the program that the number of priests on the list was relatively small given how many clergymen there had been in the archdiocese over the years, but that even that low tally was too much.
As an example of the talking points, Aymond’s spokesperson suggested that Normand ask her boss, “What has this process been like for you?” After Bensel passed the questions along, Normand asked the archbishop, “I know your heart is broken over this – in going through this. How has this process been for you?”
The suggestions from the church included: “There were earlier media reports that said the list may not be complete, but this is an extensive list going back very far. It seems comprehensive. (ask for response).”
Normand didn’t ask Aymond that on the air. But according to a transcript, after the interview ended, the host remarked, “I know some folks say that they already believe that there are some names that have not been revealed yet, and [Aymond] has said that that is actually a possibility.”
Normand, who has repeatedly criticized the church’s handling of the abuse crisis on air, did raise several issues with the archbishop that weren’t outlined by the archdiocese through Bensel. For example, he asked Aymond why the church didn’t inform law enforcement about allegations of abuse earlier. He also raised concerns about priests harassing other clergy. And he spoke about his own journey as a Catholic to accept that child molestation by priests was rampant.
A statement on Saturday from the corporation that owns WWL Radio, Audacy, said: “WWL stands by its coverage of this story. We have no additional comment.”
‘I don’t get paid enough’
The volume of communications between the Saints and the church lessened after the release of the list, according to the emails. But the two sides still stayed in close contact for many more months.
Between February and March of 2019, mere weeks after the Saints nearly clinched what would have been a second Super Bowl berth, the organizations communicated about a request from Aymond for Benson to submit to the Advocate a flattering letter to the editor. The letter’s purpose was to exalt the archdiocese and charitable programs it has led or participated in.
Make as many edits as you see fit
Greg Bensel to New Orleans church officials regarding a letter to the Advocate newspaper
For help on crafting the letter, the emails show that Bensel brought in some of the Saints’ media relations staffers who ordinarily facilitate sports journalists’ interviews with the team’s players and coaches. (One successfully suggested naming three Saints players who have been first-team All-Pro selections while touting their and Benson’s work with certain social or charitable programs, including an archdiocese-affiliated food bank to which she donated $3.5m in 2019.)
Bensel gave the archdiocese the opportunity to review a draft of what he called “a very robust letter of support from Mrs Benson”, saying: “Make as many edits as you see fit.”
He eventually distributed what he said Benson’s teams “came up with in conjunction with the archdiocese” among the Saints’ general counsel, their governmental liaison and Lauscha, according to the emails.
“Do any of you see an issue with this???” Bensel wrote.
General counsel Vicky Neumeyer replied: “I have to chime in that I don’t really like it. I don’t want [Benson] to appear to be a puppet for the archdiocese because we have way too many constituents from all walks of life.”
Bensel wrote back to Neumeyer that he would come chat with her. She later sent an email saying she spoke with Lauscha and that all she meant to communicate was the letter “should be more personal and less stone-cold facts”.
The New Orleans Saints and Pelicans training and practice facility at the Ochsner sports performance center in Metairie, Louisiana. Photograph: Kirby Lee/Getty Images After Bensel submitted it in her name, Benson’s letter to the editor appeared in the Advocate. Part of the letter addressed the local church’s work combating sex trafficking and advocating for children’s online safety, about five years before state police began investigating allegations that the archdiocese had allegedly sexually trafficked minors.
“Many issues in our society are very difficult to talk about, such as pornography, online safety for children, drug abuse and sex trafficking,” the letter said. It also asserted that “the local Catholic Church is addressing these issues head-on”.
The Saints’ statement on Saturday said that the letter was not “misleading” and did not excuse “the misconduct of members of the clergy”.
Soon thereafter, for an Advocate story on the first anniversary of Tom Benson’s death, Bensel, McDonald and Aymond exchanged emails about the archbishop providing a statement praising Gayle’s support of the church in the first year of her Saints and Pelicans ownership. Gayle Benson and Bensel were given the chance to review and approve the statement, which read: “Mrs Benson is a woman of deep faith, and she puts her faith into action.”
This is what we plan to send once we know you guys are good with this
Greg Bensel comment to New Orleans archdiocese about a statement from team owner Gayle Benson
Bensel, Benson, Lauscha, McDonald and Aymond all then communicated about an article that the Times-Picayune – which would be acquired by the Advocate weeks later – was preparing for Easter chronicling the early aftermath of the clergy-abuse list’s release. Benson had been asked for comment about how she perceived Aymond to have navigated that period. She gave Bensel permission to draft her statement – but to call Aymond “for his approval” prior to releasing it.
Bensel then prepared a quote, sent it to McDonald, copied Aymond and said: “This is what we plan to send once we know you guys are good with this.”
The published quote from Benson that Aymond signed off on read: “My personal relationship with the archbishop aside, I believe he has shown tremendous leadership and guidance through this very tough time. In my opinion, he has dealt with this very sad issue head on, with great resolve and determination to do the right thing and to do it as fully transparent as he is allowed.”
Bensel then emailed Benson, Lauscha and Aymond a link to that Times-Picayune article once it was published. “Thank you, Greg,” Benson wrote back to Bensel.
As late as June 2019, Bensel was still helping the archdiocese with its crisis communications, preparing Aymond for an interview with the Advocate about the effect of the clergy-abuse scandal in general on church finances. “I don’t get paid enough – Helping the Archbishop prep for his 9 am meeting,” he wrote in an email to his ex-wife, after Aymond copied him on to a chain of communications about the upcoming interview.
A subpoena would put an end to the Saints and the church’s email correspondence about a month later.
‘We are proud’
The Saints and archdiocese’s decision to coordinate their messaging created a headache for the organizations after it became clear that Aymond’s list had raised more questions than it answered. Numerous clergy molestation survivors came forward complaining that their abusers were omitted from the list, even in cases in which the church said it believed their allegations and had paid them substantial financial settlements.
The list did not provide the number of accusations against each clergyman or say exactly when they worked at the local churches to which they were assigned. That concerned the clergy-abuse survivor community, who worried the paucity of information might be an impediment for unreported victims contemplating coming forward.
It also concerned Cannizzaro’s top assistant district attorney, Graymond Martin, who responded to receiving the list by drafting a request on 8 November 2018 for more information, including basics such as any details indicating “where the alleged acts occurred, … when each act … occurred and some description of each of the alleged acts”.
Martin sent that draft to a subordinate. But it is unclear whether the request was formally sent to the archdiocese.
In his radio interview with Normand, Aymond emphasized that the archdiocese would be reporting complaints against living clergy to law enforcement. Bensel’s email indicated he consulted with Martin’s boss, Cannizzaro, about the list before its release. But Martin’s email noted that the DA’s office still had not received “copies of any documentation … of these complaints and the results of any inquiry conducted by the Archdiocese”.
Cannizzaro filed charges of child rape against one person on the list: George Brignac, in connection with the allegations at the center of the $550,000 settlement paid to one of his victims in July 2018. But Brignac, 85, died in 2020 while awaiting trial on charges that dated back to the late 1970s and early 1980s, sparing the church a courtroom spectacle.
The church did not catch the same break nearly five years later, after Cannizzaro’s successor as DA, Jason Williams, intervened in civil lawsuits and subpoenaed secret documents from the archdiocese to pursue child rape charges against a local priest named Lawrence Hecker.
Hecker’s name had not been disclosed until the list came out, even though he had been removed from ministry in 2002 because he was a suspected abuser. A survivor then accused Hecker of raping him when he was an underage Catholic high school student in 1975 – a crime that until then had not been disclosed to authorities and had no deadline before which prosecutors had to file charges.
The prosecution of Hecker kicked into high gear in the summer of 2023, when the Guardian and WWL Louisiana began publishing a series of reports on a written confession from the priest to his church superiors in 1999 that he had sexually molested or harassed several children during his career. The outlets also got Hecker to confess to being a serial child molester on camera and showed how the church took steps to deliberately hide the extent of his abusive history for decades beforehand.
Ultimately, Williams’ office charged Hecker with the former student’s 1975 assault. He pleaded guilty in December of last year at age 93 to child rape and other crimes, and he died in prison less than a week after receiving a mandatory life sentence.
Meanwhile, evidence turned up by Hecker’s prosecution prompted the state police investigator who built the case against him to swear under oath that he had probable cause to suspect the archdiocese ran a child sex-trafficking ring responsible for the “widespread … abuse of minors dating back decades”. That abuse was concealed from authorities beyond just Hecker’s case, and an investigation into the matter that could generate criminal charges against the clerical molesters’ protectors was ongoing, the sworn statement said.
Though Hecker and Brignac were on the initial version of the list, it eventually grew from 57 names to about 80.
A number of the additions came only after news media reported on conspicuous omissions, including two – Robert Cooper and Brian Highfill – added after WWL Louisiana and an Advocate reporter now at the Guardian questioned the archdiocese about them. Two other additions involved clergymen who also pleaded guilty – albeit in suburban New Orleans communities – to sexually molesting children, either before or after their ordination.
The deluge of claims eventually drove the archdiocese to file for bankruptcy protection in the spring of 2020.
That proceeding – which remained ongoing as of the publication of this report – led to more than 500 abuse claims against more than 300 clergymen, religious brothers and sisters, and lay staffers. The archdiocese does not consider most of those as being credibly accused, saying it only has the authority to include clergymen – priests and deacons – on its sanctioned list. And it could cost the archdiocese hundreds of millions of dollars in payments to clergy-abuse victims to settle the bankruptcy, if the church even manages to do so successfully.
Saturday’s statement from the Saints’ lawyer said Benson would not donate money to the archdiocese for it to settle with clergy molestation survivors.
“That abuse occurred is a terrible fact,” the statement continued. “As a member of the Catholic faith, Mrs Benson will continue to support the church and the great things it does. Her support is unwavering, but she has no intention of donating funds to the archdiocese to pay for settlements with abuse victims, and she has not done so.”
As all the disparate cases leading to the church bankruptcy made spectacular headlines, the Saints emails remained hidden for years. And the reasons for that are complex.
The communications had been produced as evidence in an unresolved civil lawsuit involving allegations against Brignac – the deacon who had been charged with sex crimes multiple times since the 1970s but had been reading at masses as recently as the summer of 2018.
In July 2019, the attorneys for that pending lawsuit’s plaintiff – who have also represented victims of Hecker – raised eyebrows by issuing a subpoena for copies of all communications among Saints and archdiocesan officials. The attorneys wrote in an accompanying court filing that the subpoena was necessary because the case’s discovery process turned up emails as well as other evidence establishing that Bensel was advising the archdiocese on how to navigate its clergy-abuse crisis.
News media outlets almost immediately began trying to access and report on the emails. Bensel was not pleased with their interest. Beside asking Lauscha over email to call his cellphone, he told an Advocate reporter seeking comment on the subpoena to instead ask his newspaper’s owner, John Georges. Bensel then said his organization had nothing to say on the subpoena, echoing an email to him from Lauscha which read: “As with any legal matter, we have no comment.”
The last of the “Saints emails” shows that Bensel forwarded the reporter’s request for comment to Georges. There is no indication in the emails that Georges responded.
In short order, WWL Louisiana, the now-combined Times-Picayune/Advocate newspaper and two other local television stations joined the Associated Press in suing for access to the emails. The media argued that the missives were a matter of public interest. Attorneys for the Saints argued that its correspondence with the church should remain private – while also maintaining that they had merely provided public relations advice to the archdiocese and had done nothing to be ashamed of.
Archbishop Gregory Aymond and Gayle Benson during Fat Tuesday celebrations in 2020 in New Orleans. Photograph: Jonathan Bachman/Getty Images They explicitly denied having had “a hand in determining which names should or should not have been included on the pedophile list”, as the attorneys who obtained the subpoena put it.
“We are proud of the role we played and yes, in hindsight, we would help again to assist the archdiocese in its ability to publish the list with the hope of taking this step to heal the community,” Benson wrote in a statement. “I want to be clear … that I am not going to be deterred in helping people in need, whether a friend seeking advice or a stranger in need, it does not matter, our list is long.”
In what seemed to be directed at news organizations whose businesses depend to some extent on credentialed access to – or advertising and broadcasting rights from – the Saints and Pelicans, the statement also said: “I hope that is not lost on the same people that write such articles when they too come asking for help or support.”
On Saturday, the Saints’ statement said Benson was “proud of her executive team and supports them”.
“While the public relations assistance offered to the archdiocese has come under scrutiny, Mrs Benson and her team remain steadfast in bringing our community together and continuing to help the good people of our community,” the Saints’ statement said.
Nonetheless, the New Orleans archdiocese opted to move on from relying on Bensel after the July 2019 subpoena. It later retained a crisis communications consultant from a local firm at a cost of $10,000 monthly, public court filings have shown.
The media’s efforts to secure the Saints emails hit a significant snag when the Covid-19 pandemic shut down the local court system beginning in March 2020.
Then, on 1 May 2020, the archdiocese filed for bankruptcy. The move automatically and indefinitely halted litigation pending against the archdiocese.
The state court judge overseeing the case that produced the Saints emails never determined whether or not the emails were confidential.
As part of the bankruptcy proceedings, there were confidentiality orders applied to various archdiocesan documents. One of the primary justifications for such orders was to protect the identities of clergy-abuse victims.
In the correspondence between the Saints and the church that the Guardian and WWL Louisiana reviewed, no clergy-abuse victims are identified.
Nonetheless, the Saints lawyer’s statement on Saturday alleged that the emails were “leaked to the press in violation of a court order”. The statement also complained that the team was confronted with those communications as New Orleans prepared to host the Super Bowl showdown between the Kansas City Chiefs and the Philadelphia Eagles on 9 February.
“The team and the entire city are committed to hosting the greatest Super Bowl week and game ever,” the team’s statement said.
Ultimately, journalists managed to obtain and expose the emails.
One of those journalists was the first to expose Brignac before joining the Associated Press. Another investigated the Saints’ connection to Aymond in Sports Illustrated before joining the New York Times. And two contributed significantly to efforts to bring Hecker to justice at WWL Louisiana and the Guardian.
In the US, call or text the Childhelp abuse hotline on 800-422-4453 or visit their website for more resources and to report child abuse or DM for help. For adult survivors of child abuse, help is available at ascasupport.org. In the UK, the NSPCC offers support to children on 0800 1111, and adults concerned about a child on 0808 800 5000. The National Association for People Abused in Childhood (Napac) offers support for adult survivors on 0808 801 0331. In Australia, children, young adults, parents and teachers can contact the Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800, or Bravehearts on 1800 272 831, and adult survivors can contact Blue Knot Foundation on 1300 657 380. Other sources of help can be found at Child Helplines International
In a recent scandal involving clergy abuse in New Orleans, emails have surfaced showing how the NFL’s Saints and NBA’s Pelicans helped a local church spin the crisis through strategic communications. The emails reveal that the sports teams offered guidance on handling the situation and even provided resources for public relations efforts.The scandal, which involved allegations of sexual abuse by clergy members at St. John the Baptist Church, rocked the community and raised concerns about transparency and accountability within the church. In the emails, representatives from the Saints and Pelicans can be seen advising the church on how to navigate the media scrutiny and manage public perception.
While some may question the involvement of sports teams in a religious scandal, others argue that their expertise in crisis communications and public relations can be invaluable in times of crisis. The emails show that the teams helped the church craft messages that emphasized accountability, transparency, and a commitment to justice for the victims.
Overall, the emails shed light on the complex dynamics at play in crisis communications and how different organizations can come together to support one another in times of need. As the New Orleans clergy abuse scandal continues to unfold, it remains to be seen how the church, sports teams, and community will move forward in addressing the issues at hand.
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Crisis communications, NFL Saints, NBA Pelicans, New Orleans church scandal, clergy abuse, New Orleans clergy abuse scandal, New Orleans church scandal, NFL and NBA support, crisis management, email communications, New Orleans community support.
#Crisis #communications #emails #show #NFLs #Saints #NBAs #Pelicans #helped #Orleans #church #spin #abuse #scandal #Orleans #clergy #abuseGayle King Tells Morris Chestnut She Binge-Watched His New Show
“The World According to Gayle” is Oprah Daily’s video series spotlighting all things Gayle each and every month. Our editor at large is sharing her favorites of the moment, from buzzy new albums to comedy tours you’ll want to experience for yourself. Check back each month to see the latest!
It’s a new year and I hope you’ve missed us as much as we missed you! For my first list of 2025, I’ve got TV on the brain. Premiering on Hulu is the series Paradise, and it’s out now. It stars Sterling K. Brown, and let’s just say it’s full of twists and turns. Another political drama, Zero Day, is coming to Netflix on February 20, and it’s a one-two talent punch starring Robert De Niro and Angela Bassett. And on CBS, Morris Chestnut stars in Watson, which is a blend of a medical drama and solving mysteries. Plus, I must mention that the third season of White Lotus is out on MAX on February 16. My list is not only TV—I have to share that Kane Brown has a new album out, and it’s fantastic. His album The High Road is available wherever you stream your music. Watch below for a special look at it all.
I want to hear from you. Let me know what you think of my list on Oprah’s Insider Community. And what should I be looking forward to next month?
Gayle King is cohost of CBS Mornings. An accomplished journalist, King interviews top newsmakers and delivers original reporting to CBS Mornings and all CBS News broadcasts and platforms. She is also editor at large of Oprah Daily and hosts “Gayle King in the House,” a live, weekly radio show on SiriusXM. Since joining CBS News in 2011, King has conducted countless revealing and news-making interviews with world leaders, including former president Barack Obama, political figures, including Representative John Lewis’s final interview, and numerous celebrities, including Barbra Streisand, Bruce Springsteen, and Billie Eilish.
In a recent interview, Gayle King revealed to actor Morris Chestnut that she couldn’t get enough of his new show. King told Chestnut that she binge-watched the entire series in just one weekend and couldn’t stop raving about his performance. Chestnut was thrilled to hear the news and thanked King for her support. Fans of the show are now even more excited to tune in and see what all the buzz is about.
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Gayle King Tells Morris Chestnut She Binge-Watched His New CBS Show “Watson“
Gayle King and Morris Chestnut on His New Show Hearst Owned “Hearst Magazines and Yahoo may earn commission or revenue on some items through these links.”
Hearst Owned “The World According to Gayle” is Oprah Daily’s video series spotlighting all things Gayle each and every month. Our editor at large is sharing her favorites of the moment, from buzzy new albums to comedy tours you’ll want to experience for yourself. Check back each month to see the latest!
It’s a new year and I hope you’ve missed us as much as we missed you! For my first list of 2025, I’ve got TV on the brain. Premiering on Hulu is the series Paradise, and it’s out now. It stars Sterling K. Brown, and let’s just say it’s full of twists and turns. Another political drama, Zero Day, is coming to Netflix on February 20, and it’s a one-two talent punch starring Robert De Niro and Angela Bassett. And on CBS, Morris Chestnut stars in Watson, which is a blend of a medical drama and solving mysteries. Plus, I must mention that the third season of White Lotus is out on MAX on February 16. My list is not only TV—I have to share that Kane Brown has a new album out, and it’s fantastic. His album The High Road is available wherever you stream your music. Watch below for a special look at it all.
I want to hear from you. Let me know what you think of my list on Oprah’s Insider Community. And what should I be looking forward to next month?
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In a recent interview on CBS This Morning, Gayle King sat down with actor Morris Chestnut to discuss his new show “Watson” on CBS. During the interview, King revealed that she had binge-watched the entire first season of the show and couldn’t get enough of it.Chestnut expressed his gratitude for King’s support and shared his excitement for the show’s success. He also discussed the challenges of playing the lead role in a crime drama and how he prepared for the role.
Fans of Chestnut and “Watson” were thrilled to hear King’s praise for the show and are eagerly anticipating the next season. If you haven’t checked out “Watson” yet, be sure to catch up on all the episodes and see what all the buzz is about!
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#Gayle #King #Tells #Morris #Chestnut #BingeWatched #CBS #Show #Watson