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  • What voters are saying about Trump’s second term


    President Donald Trump made quick work of his first week-plus back in office — ticking off a number of campaign-trail promises, issuing a boatload of pardons (some controversial) and enacting retribution on his political opponents.  

    So far, the early polling shows Trump starting with more backing from voters — and more wiggle room — than he had going into his first term in the White House. But it remains to be seen how voters will judge his first actions as president. 

    The former president entered his second term with a better image rating than he had in January 2017. NBC News/Wall Street Journal polling from the days before his first inauguration found just 38% of adults giving him a positive rating, while Fox News found 42% of registered voters viewed him positively at that point. 

    Now, Fox News’ most recent poll showed Trump with a 50% positive rating among registered voters and a 50% unfavorable rating. A new Wall Street Journal poll found that 47% of registered voters viewed him favorably, while 51% viewed him unfavorably. Both polls were conducted before Trump took office.

    Polling is split on Americans’ expectations for Trump. According to CNN polling, 56% of American adults say they expect Trump to be a very good or fairly good president, while 43% expect him to be fairly poor or very poor. (CNN’s preinaugural poll in January 2021 found slightly higher expectations ahead of Joe Biden’s term, while its polling in January 2017 found adults split on their expectations for Trump, with 48% saying they think he’d be very or fairly good and 48% saying he’d be very or fairly poor.) 

    A preinaugural poll from The New York Times and Ipsos found that 47% of adults are either excited or optimistic about his presidency, while 51% are either pessimistic or worried about his presidency. 

    Meanwhile, when it comes to some of the key issues Trump has pursued in the earliest days of his second term, the polling shows both opportunity and peril for his presidency. 

    Polling from CNN and The New York Times showed that the economy is far and away the most important issue on Americans’ minds. But many of the headlines Trump has made so far center around issues like immigration and pardons, particularly his decision to issue a sweeping pardon for those convicted over their conduct during the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol riot. 

    Americans appear broadly more open to Trump’s efforts on deportations than they do on the Jan. 6-related pardons. The polls also show that public support for Trump’s actions falls off when voters consider the potential outcomes if (or when) Trump takes the hardest line on those issues.

    The Wall Street Journal found just 38% of registered voters backed blanket pardons for all Jan. 6 defendants (57% opposed it). That’s compared with 43% who said they’d back pardons for all except those convicted of assaulting police officers and 54% who opposed it. (Trump ended up pardoning virtually all who faced federal charges, including those convicted of violent offenses. A handful of others convicted on conspiracy charges got their sentences commuted.)

    On immigration enforcement, there appears to be a majority or strong plurality baseline of support for Trump’s broad pledge of enacting widespread deportations. The Wall Street Journal found that 52% of registered voters favor a call to “detain and deport millions of undocumented immigrants” and 45% oppose it, while 55% of adults in the New York Times/Ipsos poll supported deporting all immigrants in America illegally and 42% opposed it.

    Restricting deportations to only those here illegally with criminal records is far more popular: 87% of adults support the policy, per the New York Times/Ipsos poll, and 74% of registered voters in the Wall Street Journal poll back it.

    But deporting others is less popular. Fully 70% of registered voters oppose deporting undocumented immigrants who have lived in the U.S. for more than a decade and have paid taxes without having a criminal record, according to the Wall Street Journal poll. The survey also showed 57% oppose deporting undocumented immigrants with children who are American citizens (38% approved of the proposal).

    On foreign policy, 60% of adults (per the New York Times/Ipsos poll) agree broadly with the idea that the U.S. should “pay less attention to problems overseas and concentrate on problems here at home,” aligning broadly with Trump’s campaign rhetoric, compared to the 38% who said it’s “best for the future of our country to be active in world affairs.” Narrow majorities believe America is giving too much aid to Ukraine and Israel. (In each case, about 30% want to maintain the status quo, while less than 20% want to see an increase in aid.) 

    And amid Trump’s criticism of the Biden administration’s policies about transgender people, and Trump’s executive order declaring the federal government recognizes only two sexes, male and female, there are important divides in the country about transgender issues. 

    American adults are broadly split on whether society has struck the right balance in accommodating transgender people. According to The New York Times/Ipsos’ numbers, 49% say society has gone too far in striking the right balance, 21% say society hasn’t gone far enough, and another 28% say society has struck a reasonable balance. 

    But there’s far more support for another one of Trump’s positions: banning transgender women (defined in the poll as “athletes who were male at birth but who currently identify as female”) from women’s sports. Fully 79% of adults in that same poll backed that proposal, compared with just 18% who disagreed. And 71% said they believed no one under age 18 should have access to “puberty blocking drugs or hormone therapies” used in transgender care.

    How much runway do voters typically give new presidents?

    While Trump comes into office in better shape than he did in his first term — and the swing voters who backed him appear open to giving him some wiggle room — an analysis of NBC News polling spanning the last five presidencies shows how short honeymoons can be in the White House. 

    Biden saw his 51% approval rating in April 2021 slip to 45% by late October and down to 41% by March 2022. His approval rating never got above 46% for the rest of his presidency in NBC News polling. Trump’s first approval rating in NBC News polling was 44% in February 2017, a number that slipped immediately to 39% by the third NBC News poll of that year, in May. But Trump’s approval rating was more inelastic than other presidents of recent memory, staying inside a relatively narrow range of 39% to 47% for his entire presidency. 

    Then-President Barack Obama’s 60% approval rating in early March 2009 stayed consistent in an NBC News poll the following month. But his approval rating slid in four of the next five polls, though his low of 47% in December 2009 (the first NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll that found him below 50% approval) was substantially higher than the depths Trump’s or Biden’s numbers reached. After the initial dive, Obama’s approval rating oscillated around 50% until the summer before the 2010 midterm elections. 

    Then-President George W. Bush’s first year was marred by the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, which makes comparison to the first years of other presidencies difficult.

    And while then-President Bill Clinton’s approval rating ticked up from 51% shortly after he took office to 57% in March 1993, it slid down to 41% by June 1993, before a long march up back to 60% on the first anniversary of his taking office. Clinton’s approval rating then proceeded to slide in 1994 all the way down to 43% before Republicans took over Congress in that year’s midterm elections.



    After Trump’s re-election, many voters are expressing a mix of emotions and opinions about his second term in office. Some are thrilled to see him continue his policies and promises, while others are concerned about what the next four years will bring.

    Supporters of Trump are praising his strong leadership, economic accomplishments, and efforts to secure the border. They believe that he will continue to put America first and fight for the interests of the American people.

    On the other hand, critics of Trump are worried about his divisive rhetoric, handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, and controversial decisions. They fear that his second term could further polarize the country and undermine democracy.

    Overall, voters are divided on Trump’s second term, with some hopeful for positive change and others anxious about the future. As the next four years unfold, it will be interesting to see how Trump’s presidency continues to shape the political landscape in America.

    Tags:

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    • Voter opinions on Trump’s second term
    • Trump reelection reviews
    • Public response to Trump’s second term
    • Trump administration feedback
    • Second term impressions of President Trump
    • Voters react to Trump’s second term
    • Trump’s reelection reactions
    • Public sentiment on Trump’s second term
    • Trump’s second term approval ratings

    #voters #Trumps #term

  • Baseball Hall of Fame ballots 2025: The Athletic’s voters explain their selections


    The night before Ken Griffey Jr. and Mike Piazza were inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame in 2016, I was lucky enough to be in the plaque room in Cooperstown, N.Y., standing behind Cal Ripken Jr. in line to get a drink.

    As I looked around the room, I saw Randy Johnson pointing out his plaque to friends, a smile on his face that was never seen on the field. I saw Pedro Martinez and Juan Marichal sitting at a table talking, and wished I were a Spanish-speaking fly on the wall to hear that conversation. As I nursed a beer in the corner, Barry Larkin came over and asked how I was doing.

    “Dude, I shouldn’t be here,” I said to Larkin, whom I’d covered briefly late in his Hall of Fame career, while looking around at so many of the game’s legends. “I don’t belong here.”

    “I know what you’re saying,” Larkin said.

    I was incredulous and pointed in the direction of his plaque: “Barry, you can’t. Your face is over there.”

    “Bro,” Larkin said, dead serious. “I get it. I don’t feel like I belong here either.”

    That interaction stuck with me, and I remember it every year when the Hall of Fame ballot arrives in November.

    The ballot itself is an unremarkable piece of office paper and comes with simple instructions. There are 30 or so names (28 this year) with boxes beside them, and a place to sign the ballot, making it official.

    Some scoff at the Hall using paper ballots, delivered by mail and returned in a pre-paid envelope. But the fact that it’s an actual, tangible piece of paper makes the already weighty assignment feel heavier.

    I have been voting for the Hall of Fame since the 2015 election, marking Pedro Martinez and Randy Johnson on my first ballot among eight other names. Each time has been an honor. Over the years, I’ve also had countless discussions with other voters, Hall of Famers and people in the game about what makes a Hall of Famer.

    I have my own beliefs, but so do the roughly 400 other voters, each with their own reasoning and bar to clear. It’s difficult to get a consensus of 75 percent of the voters to agree on anything, but nearly every year the baseball writers find someone worthy to reach that threshold. Even here at The Athletic, we have different ideas about Hall voting; each, I believe, is well thought out, with the process taken seriously — so seriously, in fact, that we believe we should show you how we voted, but also why we voted as we did.

    The 2025 Hall of Fame class will be announced next Tuesday and immortalized, along with Dick Allen and Dave Parker, this summer in Cooperstown. Here are the ballots of 12 of The Athletic’s Hall of Fame voters and, in their words, more on their selections. — C. Trent Rosecrans


    In awe of the Hall: Barry Larkin in 2016, four years after he was inducted. (Jim McIsaac / Getty Images)

    Daniel Barbarisi’s ballot

    Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Billy Wagner

    When Hall of Fame season was getting underway this past fall, I got a message from one of the guys I was a Red Sox beat writer with in the late 2000s, someone who had covered Dustin Pedroia at the same time I did. He asked, pointedly, are you voting for Pedey?

    Pedroia is something of a cause célèbre among a group of voters, and I get that. He was fun to cover, he was relentless and productive and more than all of that, he was inspiring. This was a guy who clearly wasn’t supposed to be there, who made his life’s work about getting in the faces of people who didn’t believe in him and showing them that he could kick as much ass as the next player, and probably more, because he wanted it more.

    Writers will sometimes pose the (imperfect, incomplete) question: Does it feel like I’m watching a Hall of Famer? With Pedroia, in the late 2000s, it did. Elite, distinctive, rose to the moment, delivered consistency and impact at the plate and in the field, won awards, won World Series, made things feel bigger than they were. The peak was there. But it didn’t last.

    Look over his counting stats — 1,805 hits, 140 home runs, 138 steals, 725 RBIs, and so on — and they are hallmarks of a career that feels incomplete. One moment Pedroia was a metronomic presence at the heart of the Red Sox lineup, and the next he was just … gone, replaced by a new generation of stars, supposed to be the bridge from the 2007 group to the up-and-comers who won the 2018 title, but in reality he was largely absent after a devastating 2017 knee injury.

    Was that a singular moment that wrecked an otherwise Hall of Fame career? Yes and no. It was the injury he couldn’t come back from, but there were numerous others before that, wear-and-tear injuries, pushed-too-hard injuries, the problems that come from putting that level of torque and that level of himself into every ferocious hack. I think back on Pedroia’s swing and the word that comes to mind is violence. It looked like he was summoning everything he had for the fifth pitch of the third at-bat of the night for a 2009 Tuesday night game against the Orioles, and he did that every single game, always. That adds up.

    I grew up in New York thinking Don Mattingly was both the greatest ever to play and a clear Hall of Famer, and the similarities between the two cases are pretty obvious. As a kid or even a young adult, you don’t really understand why someone like Mattingly doesn’t make the cut, and feel a slight resentment about that. But years ago, I remember hearing Mattingly discuss his own candidacy with remarkable clarity: how grateful he was to be considered, and how he was acutely aware that he was not a Hall of Famer. The numbers weren’t there. That peak matters, but so does longevity; he had one at a Hall of Fame level and not quite the other.

    Pedroia’s career is impressive enough that it shouldn’t be seen in the context of What Could Have Been. But when it comes to the Hall of Fame, it’s hard not to wonder.

    Dustin Pedroia


    Dustin Pedroia dives for a grounder in 2019, his 14th and final season. (Billie Weiss / Boston Red Sox / Getty Images)

    Tim Britton’s ballot

    Bobby Abreu, Carlos Beltrán, Félix Hernández, Dustin Pedroia, Andy Pettitte, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner, David Wright

    Look, I cover the Mets, so I understand one fan base’s case against Chase Utley’s Hall of Fame candidacy. But to me, Utley is an easy call. He produced like a legitimate MVP candidate for five seasons and like an All-Star for 10. He was the ringleader for a team that won five divisions, two pennants and a championship. He was baseball’s best second baseman for a decade, and he should not be dispatched into a group with Bobby Grich and Lou Whitaker as should-be Hall of Famers at second base who haven’t made the cut.

    Utley leads a group of similar candidates who excelled for around a decade but lacked the longevity to reach the counting stats of traditional Hall of Famers. David Wright was right there with Adrián Beltré as the sport’s premier third basemen for a decade. Dustin Pedroia took the mantle at the keystone from Utley. And Félix Hernández was historically good through his 20s — good enough to mitigate the abruptness of his decline in his 30s. The sport has changed, most obviously for starting pitchers, leading me to place an even higher value on a player’s peak, especially when it extends for nine or 10 seasons.

    (For what it’s worth, Andruw Jones would fall into this category as well. However, I do not vote for Jones because of his 2012 arrest on battery charges in a domestic assault incident.)

    Daniel Brown’s ballot

    Bobby Abreu, Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Manny Ramirez, Alex Rodriguez, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner

    Here’s hoping we can avoid the “which” hunt this year — as in, Which freaking voter kept Ichiro from being a unanimous selection? The 10-time All-Star looks poised to accomplish what another former Mariners outfielder, Ken Griffey Jr., barely missed when three voters left him off the ballot in 2016.

    Ichiro would be the first position player to get 100 percent of the writers’ vote and just the second player behind reliever Mariano Rivera, who went 425 for 425 in 2019. And if Ichiro isn’t unanimous, well, that’ll be just as hard to explain as the voters who snubbed immortals such as Willie Mays (left off 23 ballots), Mickey Mantle (43) and Yogi Berra (59).

    My favorite Ichiro stat: Among batters with at least 2,000 plate appearances, he is the only left-handed hitter in MLB history with a reverse platoon split. He batted .329 against lefties and .304 against righties.

    As for my other checkmarks: I continue to struggle with players linked to performance-enhancing drugs, but once Bud Selig, Tony La Russa and other leaders who profited from that era were welcomed into Cooperstown, it complicated the equation.

    CC Sabathia stands out from the starting pitcher pack on this ballot. As Jay Jaffe noted on FanGraphs, Sabathia leads pitchers from this class in WAR, WAR7-Adj and S-Jaws. I also agree with Jaffe that “we won’t see his kind again; nobody born after 1966 has topped his 3,577 1/3 innings, and Sabathia was born 14 years later.”


    Ichiro topped 200 hits in each of his first 10 seasons in MLB. (Otto Greule Jr / Getty Images)

    Steve Buckley’s ballot

    Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Dustin Pedroia, Andy Pettitte, Jimmy Rollins, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner, David Wright

    CC Sabathia is a lock to be elected to the Hall of Fame in this, his first year on the ballot. That’s as it should be.

    What we also know, thanks to the ceaseless sleuthing from the crew at Baseball Hall of Fame Vote Tracker, is that the big lefty will not be a unanimous selection. And that’s a head-scratcher, frankly.

    Tell you what I’m going to do: Rather than make the Cooperstown case for Sabathia by rolling out all kinds of charts, diagrams and View-Master slides, I’ll just invite you to google “CC Sabathia,” “Hall of Fame” and “duh,” and that’ll take you where you need to go. (I tried it. It works!)

    What I’d like to do with my turn, here on The Athletic’s Open Mic Night (Baseball Hall of Fame edition), is address the appointment viewing that occurred whenever Sabathia was on the mound during his 19 seasons in the big leagues. You know what appointment viewing is when it comes to pitching, right? That’s when a team has a pitcher whose stuff, whose presence, whose personality, is such that you make it your business to always know when he’s doing his business. That’s what you do with the great ones: A note is made, either in the head or in a little gizmo, about when the next start will be. And you don’t miss it. If the manager has reshuffled the rotation due to an off-day or rainout, you adjust your own schedule accordingly.

    When I was growing up in Cambridge, Mass., it was Luis Tiant. Much later on, when I was writing about the Red Sox for a living, it was Roger Clemens and then Pedro Martinez, along with a dash of Curt Schilling, even before the bloody sock. Sabathia is in their company, mostly because of his stellar pitching but also because, sure, he’s a big fella who sometimes wore his cap tilted over the right eye. You could have dropped out of the sky, new to baseball, and instantly recognized Sabathia’s importance.

    I loved watching Sabathia pitch. I admired him for what struck me as an off-the-charts earnestness, as though he wasn’t just pitching for his team but for whatever city he happened to be based in at the time. Though born and raised in the Bay Area, he was a Cleveland guy when he was pitching for the Indians, a Milwaukee guy during that magical half season with the Brewers, and, yes, absolutely, a New York guy during his 11 seasons with the Yankees.

    Media people aren’t supposed to root for this or that player, but it’s perfectly acceptable to admire the artistry. In fact, I encourage it. And CC Sabathia, artist in residence in Cleveland, in Milwaukee, in New York, was someone every ballplayer should strive to be. In this age of openers and pitch counts, we just don’t have enough of his type anymore.

    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    Why Dustin Pedroia has a checkmark on my Hall of Fame ballot

    Marc Carig’s ballot

    Carlos Beltrán, Félix Hernández, Andruw Jones, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Billy Wagner

    One afternoon before a game, I was chatting with CC Sabathia in the Yankees’ clubhouse, where the franchise’s retired numbers are displayed for all to see. He motioned toward the array of numerals — shorthand for the idea of greatness in the Bronx —  and uttered a phrase that over the years became one of his mantras: “The pinstripes are heavy.”

    Yet, Sabathia spent a career meeting expectations that were as outsized as his talent and personality. He starred in Cleveland, a franchise long dependent on its ability to be right about its young talent. Sabathia was a first-rounder and subsequently pitched like it. Upon his deadline trade to the Brewers in 2008, Sabathia pitched on short rest in the heat of a pennant race, even though he knew his Milwaukee tenure was likely a three-month pit stop ahead of free agency. It’s a feat that only grows more impressive over time. Then, Sabathia arrived in New York before the 2009 season as the jewel of a $423 million offseason, a spasm of Steinbrenner-esque spending that represented the franchise’s desperation to end a nine-year title drought.

    That investment paid off immediately. Months later, Sabathia and the Yankees were headed up the Canyon of Heroes. Sabathia was brought in to be an ace and a leader, and needed just one season to accomplish the goal.

    Hall of Famers should be dominant for a long period of time. For me, it’s the primary prerequisite. Sabathia fulfilled that requirement, all while shouldering the weight of expectations. He was an ace, and for a long time, he pitched like it.

    As did Félix Hernández. We can debate the breadth of King Félix’s career accomplishments, but this feels clear: Hernández was so dominant that he’s precisely the kind of player we should want to celebrate.

    Billy Wagner made his mark as a reliever. Few players have been so far ahead of their time, and Wagner racked up strikeouts at a staggering rate for his era. Carlos Beltrán as an all-around player was a sight to behold — gifted both physically and intellectually. Andruw Jones’ greatness in center did not require the aid of advanced metrics to appreciate. And Ichiro’s inclusion requires little commentary: simply one of the best to ever swing a bat.

    Dan Hayes’ ballot

    Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner

    Here’s hoping Carlos Beltrán continues trending in the right direction toward Hall of Fame election.

    This is Beltrán’s third year on the ballot. Last year, he jumped 10.6 percent from his 2023 debut, garnering 57.1 percent of the vote. In 2023, Beltrán received only 46.5 percent approval, which was likely an indication some voters were punishing him for his leading role in the 2017 Houston Astros’ sign-stealing scandal.

    Perhaps it was collective fatigue from 2022, when the Baseball Writers’ Association of America turned away Barry Bonds, Roger Clemens and Curt Schilling (I voted for all three every time), but I checked “yes” for Beltrán in 2023. I don’t condone what Beltrán did in Houston and understand why others might have chosen to leave his name unchecked in that first year.

    But maybe the electorate is open to changing its mind on a very worthy player.

    No other Astros players were punished and A.J. Hinch and Alex Cora have returned to the dugout. Beltrán has paid more for his role than anyone else involved. Since the Mets fired him as their manager in 2020, no other team has considered him for any type of coaching role.

    Beltrán was amazing throughout his career. He arrived with authority, winning the 1999 Rookie of the Year Award, and rarely slowed down. After he was fortunate enough to be traded from Kansas City in 2004, Beltrán lived up to the hype almost everywhere he went.

    His first postseason is one of the greatest performances of all time. His overall postseason play was incredible, slugging 16 homers and nabbing all 11 stolen bases he attempted. Beltrán conquered New York with the Mets. He was a five-tool stud for the first 10 years and a great hitter after that.

    I’m just hoping we don’t exclude yet another amazing player.


    Carlos Beltrán, pictured in 2012 with the Cardinals, had a 1.021 OPS over 256 career plate appearances in the postseason. (Jamie Squire / Getty Images)

    Chad Jennings’ ballot

    Bobby Abreu, Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Russell Martin, Dustin Pedroia, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner, David Wright

    There seems to be a theory — maybe it’s more of a hot take — that if you must ask whether a player is a Hall of Famer, then he’s not a Hall of Famer. It sounds profound, but it’s cheap, lazy and wrong. We don’t always know greatness when we see it, and the Hall of Fame deserves more than gut instinct.

    All of which is to say that I, too, never thought Russell Martin was a Hall of Famer when he was playing. I covered him in New York, but it never once crossed my mind that I would one day vote for him to be enshrined in Cooperstown.

    Now, I wonder if I simply didn’t recognize Martin’s impact as it was happening. It’s possible, of course, that I’m putting too much emphasis on his pitch framing ability, but it’s also possible that framing is so valuable — and so revered — that it’s going to determine the sport’s next technological breakthrough. Current data shows that Martin was on the leading edge of that skill set, and if your gut says that Yadier Molina (55.6 WAR per FanGraphs) is going to be a Hall of Famer in a few years, then you need to think long and hard about Martin (54.5).

    Of course, that doesn’t make Martin a can’t-miss case, but such players are few and far between. (Ichiro is probably the only one on this ballot.) It takes almost 300 votes for a player to be elected, which has led me to be more of a “Big Hall” voter, and high-peak players fit my vision of Cooperstown. It turns out, so do some players I didn’t recognize as Hall of Famers until it came time to vote.

    Keith Law’s ballot

    Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Alex Rodriguez, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley

    I believe this is my smallest ballot since I became a Hall voter, but I’ve always been a “Small Hall” person. There was just too big of a backlog of players because of voter squeamishness over anyone with a possible connection to PED usage that, when I first started voting, I didn’t have enough room for everyone I wanted to check off. All of those candidates either got in or reached their 10-year limit on the ballot, and now we get one or maybe two easy yeses in each year — and some years, we get none.

    Of the six players I did check this year, only Ichiro is a no-brainer; even if someone wanted to quibble with his MLB performance, his impact on the global game is more than enough to make him an inner-circle Hall of Famer. CC Sabathia is the other new candidate for whom I voted, and he just squeaks over the line for me; his performance is quite comparable to that of Andy Pettitte, for whom I have never voted, but Sabathia’s reputation around the game as a clubhouse leader and the way he has used his voice and stature after his playing career to speak out about racial inequities in the game are separating factors for me. Our sport needs more CC Sabathias. We were, and still are, lucky to have him.

    Stephen J. Nesbitt’s ballot

    Bobby Abreu, Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Andy Pettitte, Manny Ramirez, Alex Rodriguez, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner

    As a first-time Hall of Fame voter, choosing the boxes to check on your maiden ballot brings with it an amalgam of anticipation, remember-some-guys nostalgia and pressure to firmly plant your flag. And after year upon year of reading writers’ lengthy throat clearing at the start of ballot explainers, I will skip straight to the bullet points.

    • I voted for 10 players. It’s harder than ever to become a Hall of Famer. I will not make that more difficult by delighting in showing off my selectivity.

    • I voted for the steroid guys. Many writers refuse to vote for any player reported to have used PEDs. Others put Alex Rodriguez and Manny Ramirez in a distinct category because they were suspended multiple times after MLB established clear rules. There are cheaters of many forms in the Hall of Fame. If a player is on the ballot, and therefore eligible for election, I will judge them on the factor this game has always held most sacred: numbers. Rodriguez and Ramirez were greats. They have my vote and will surely still fall far short of 75 percent.

    • I voted for Bobby Abreu. That he wasn’t thought of as a future Hall of Famer during his playing career means nothing. It is only an indictment of what was valued at the time.

    • I voted for Andy Pettitte, with my final vote, over Félix Hernández and Mark Buehrle, a threesome I had never expected to consider side-by-side-by-side. There are already too few starters making it to Cooperstown, and that trend will only worsen with current pitching trends. (The longevity-versus-peak debate cannot function once longevity is no longer an option.) All three of these starters had a career 117 ERA+. I enjoyed that. Hernández had the peak, and I expect to vote for him in future years. Buehrle lasted longer, won four Gold Glove awards and a World Series ring. But it’s past time for the induction of Pettitte, whose résumé includes longevity, cold hard stats, postseason success and five World Series titles.

    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    Stark: Why I voted for Andy Pettitte for the Hall of Fame for the first time


    Bobby Abreu (60.2 career bWAR) has never topped 16 percent of the vote. (George Widman / Associated Press)

    David O’Brien’s ballot

    Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Brian McCann, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner

    Andruw Jones is considered by many to be the greatest defensive center fielder in a half-century or more. Couple his 10 consecutive Gold Gloves with 434 career home runs, and it’s understandable why so many former players, along with Braves fans, find it unfathomable that Jones hasn’t been elected to the Hall of Fame in seven tries.

    I get why some writers leave him off their ballots. It’s his modest .254 career batting average and 111 OPS+, and the precipitous decline after his age-30 season, his last with Atlanta. He hit .210 with 66 homers and a 95 OPS+ over his final five seasons with four other teams.

    But dig deeper and realize Jones debuted at 19. In a 10-year stretch beginning at age 21, he averaged 34 homers, 103 RBIs and 158 games played while slugging .504 and winning a Gold Glove every season. To repeat, he averaged 34 homers and 104 RBIs while winning Gold Gloves every season for a decade.

    Now, what if he debuted at, say, 22, and had that 10-year stretch from ages 24 through 33? How many would use a sharp decline in his ages 34-38 seasons as a reason to keep a perennial Gold Glover and prolific middle-of-the-order hitter out of Cooperstown? With some, perception has overridden a staggering decade of performance by Jones, the likes of which we’ve seen from few center fielders not named Mays, Mantle or Griffey.

    Perhaps I’m stunned Jones is not in the Hall because I covered so many games during his peak years — first, as a Marlins beat writer who watched Jones routinely erase potential Florida runs and drive in so many for the Braves beginning in his first full season in 1997. Then as a Braves beat writer beginning in 2002, I saw him win countless games with his glove and bat through 2007.

    Consider: Jones finished with about 50 more Defensive Runs Saved than the immortal Willie Mays, and 30 more than cannon-armed Roberto Clemente. Those icons are the only two outfielders with more Gold Gloves than Jones; Mays and Clemente won 12 apiece after the award began in 1957.

    Besides Jones, the only players to win at least 10 Gold Gloves and hit 400 or more homers: Mays, Ken Griffey Jr. and Mike Schmidt, three first-ballot Hall of Famers.

    This is Jones’ eighth year on the ballot, and it looks as if he’s going to miss again, albeit by a smaller margin than seemed likely a few years ago when he was named on barely 40 percent of ballots. Jones inched his way up to 61.6 percent in 2024, and this year he’ll likely move closer to the 75 percent threshold required for election, based on the publicly released ballots as of Monday (72.6 percent).

    But voting percentages typically drop at least 5 percent after all ballots are counted, including those not made public before the big announcement, so Jones probably will fall short. If so, he would have two more chances to get in through the writers’ vote.

    It’s going to be close, but I think he’ll be voted in by the writers a year from now or in his final year of eligibility. If not, it’ll be up to an Era Committee to vote Jones into the Hall. And I’m confident they would, given the makeup of those committees, which typically include plenty of former players and managers.

    C. Trent Rosecrans’ ballot

    Bobby Abreu, Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, Andy Pettitte, Manny Ramirez, Alex Rodriguez, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner

    One of the criticisms I hear about Hall of Fame voting is, how can a player not be worth a Hall of Fame vote one year and then be worth a checkmark the next year? You’re a Hall of Famer or not, right?

    But each year has a different electorate after gaining and losing voters, usually replacing older voters with younger ones. That not only changes who is voting, but also how we view the game and our evaluation tools. And each year is a different ballot with different names, but the same limit of 10 choices among those listed.

    Each voter deals with the rule of 10 in their own way. Some never have to consider it because they wouldn’t vote for that many players. Others have to make a distinction between two players with similar cases. Still others look at trends and try to navigate more rules, weighing which players could drop off the ballot if they don’t receive the required 5 percent of the vote or which players are nearing the end of their 10 years of eligibility.

    Bobby Abreu and Billy Wagner are on their sixth and 10th years on the ballot, respectively. For the second time, I voted for Abreu. For the third time, I voted for Wagner. That means I didn’t vote for Abreu four times and didn’t vote for Wagner seven times. At no point did either man’s statistics change.

    There are easy names on the ballot most years, like Ichiro Suzuki this year, but the rest are more difficult to decide. I always believed both Abreu and Wagner were great players with great careers, but before my more recent Hall of Fame research work, I had them below the line for entrance. Over the years, I’ve changed my stance, even if that hasn’t always meant they got my vote. On the ballot for the 2023 class, I voted for both; last year, I only voted for Wagner; this year, I again voted for both.

    In 2024, Wagner came within five votes of election.

    Although he was once again around my line of demarcation to make the Hall, Wagner was an easy pick in his final year of eligibility. In the end, I’d rather be the reason someone gained entrance into the Hall of Fame than the reason they were kept out.

    Will I continue this way? I don’t know. Each year is its own discussion and each ballot has its own context. I always take that into consideration, an imperfect solution to an imperfect process.


    Billy Wagner garnered 73.8 percent of the vote last year. (Paul J. Bereswill / Associated Press)

    Eno Sarris’ ballot

    Bobby Abreu, Carlos Beltrán, Félix Hernández, Andruw Jones, Brian McCann, Andy Pettitte, CC Sabathia, Ichiro Suzuki, Chase Utley, Billy Wagner

    Framing is on the ballot for the first time.

    Whether you think of framing as “stealing strikes” or “presenting,” the skill has real value. When Russell Martin, Yadier Molina, and Brian McCann were catching, baseball was just figuring out how to assign a number to how much framing was worth. The trio ended up being the three best framers in the history of the statistic, as a result of their excellence — but also because the rest of the league hadn’t caught up yet.

    When those three were getting called strikes on more than half of the pitches they received in the shadow zone — the borderline space that’s half-in, half-out of the strike zone — there were also catchers who were getting strike calls on only a third of those opportunities. The trio racked up framing stats because the worst framers at the time were terrible. The worst regular catcher this year (Korey Lee) got strikes on 43 percent of the takes he saw in the shadow zone; the best (Patrick Bailey) got strikes on 53 percent. The league has figured this out. Framing is valued.

    Consequently, if you re-racked the careers of this trio of great defensive catchers and started them now, even with the same work on the field, they wouldn’t achieve the same relative value when compared to their peers. The framing numbers that put all three into the top 15 catchers of all time by FanGraphs’ WAR would no longer be there for them.

    But this happens all the time. Babe Ruth hit 54 homers in a year when second place hit 19 homers. We don’t take that value away from him just because the league hadn’t quite figured out the value of slugging. Dazzy Vance struck out guys way before that was in vogue — he leads in career-adjusted strikeout percentage, and he’s in the Hall of Fame. The sport usually rewards trailblazers.

    All that said — and even though catcher is the most under-represented position in the Hall — I balked at Martin’s offensive stats. A career .248/.349/.397 line with 191 homers and 101 steals didn’t pass my sniff test. McCann hit .262/.337/.452 with 282 homers and was nearly the same framer, so he got my vote.

    But I hope Martin makes it to another ballot. For all the bellyaching I did about his offense, I made an uncomfortable realization late in the process — Molina’s career OPS was worse than Martin’s. And Molina will get my vote.


    Hall of Fame ballot columns from The Athletic

    Ken Rosenthal’s and Tyler Kepner’s respective ballot columns published last week. Jayson Stark’s ballot column will be published later this week.

    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    Rosenthal: Why CC Sabathia received my Hall of Fame vote this year and Andy Pettitte did not

    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    Kepner: Why Félix Hernández fell just short on my Hall of Fame ballot — and why I’m grateful he’s still in play


    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    Five things to watch on the 2025 Baseball Hall of Fame ballot

    go-deeper

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    Baseball Hall of Fame reader survey results: How Ichiro, Wagner, Sabathia and more fared

    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    A salute to Ichiro, CC Sabathia and the other 12 newcomers to the Baseball Hall of Fame ballot

    go-deeper

    GO DEEPER

    Baseball Hall of Fame tiers: Which active players are on course for Cooperstown?

    (Top image: Dan Goldfarb / The Athletic. Photos: Ichiro Suzuki: Tom DiPace / Sports Illustrated / Getty Images; CC Sabathia: Rich Pilling / MLB Photos / Getty Images; Billy Wagner: Jonathan Daniel / Getty Images) 



    As the 2025 Baseball Hall of Fame ballots are being finalized, The Athletic reached out to some of their top writers and analysts to explain their selections. With a stacked group of eligible players this year, the voters had some tough decisions to make. From first-time eligible stars to controversial returning candidates, here’s a look at why The Athletic’s voters made their picks for the 2025 Hall of Fame class.

    First and foremost, the voters considered players’ on-field performance and impact on the game. Statistical analysis played a big role in their decision-making process, as they looked at traditional stats like batting average and home runs, as well as advanced metrics like WAR and wRC+. They also took into account postseason success, awards won, and overall contributions to their teams.

    But it wasn’t just about the numbers for The Athletic’s voters. They also considered players’ character, integrity, and sportsmanship, as well as their impact on the game off the field. This meant weighing controversial figures like Barry Bonds and Roger Clemens against players with cleaner reputations.

    In the end, the voters had to make some tough choices. Some players fell just short of the 75% threshold needed for induction, while others received overwhelming support. But regardless of the final outcome, each voter took their responsibility seriously and carefully considered each player’s candidacy.

    As the ballots are tallied and the 2025 Hall of Fame class is announced, fans will undoubtedly debate the decisions made by The Athletic’s voters. But one thing is for certain: the Baseball Hall of Fame is a prestigious honor, and only the best of the best will earn their spot in Cooperstown.

    Tags:

    Baseball Hall of Fame, Hall of Fame ballots, Baseball Hall of Fame 2025, The Athletic, voters, selections, baseball, MLB, voting process

    #Baseball #Hall #Fame #ballots #Athletics #voters #explain #selections

  • Chula Vista, San Ysidro voters shifted right in 2024


    As Justin Hodge’s daughter played at a park in San Ysidro, he watched protectively from a picnic bench. But there’s something else coming that Hodge feared he might not be able to protect his family from. 

    “I’m scared.” Hodge said. “I’m scared for them more than anything.” 

    With president-elect Donald Trump taking office Monday, Hodge worries about both his daughters, 7 and 15. For president, he voted for Vice President Kamala Harris believing she would have a better chance at moving the country forward. 

    “I honestly just didn’t want to go backwards. I don’t want to ‘make America great again,’” he said, referring to Trump’s campaign slogan. “America was never great to begin with for people of color, so I just didn’t want that.” 

    But the same news that makes Hodge scared for the future makes Leonard Cuen, whose family owns San Ysidro Feed & Supply, just down the street from the playground, optimistic about his. 

    “I’m excited. I’m excited, I’m excited,” Cuen said. “I can’t wait to see how much my taxes dropped. I can’t wait to hear all my buddies that are looking for jobs, telling me they got jobs.” 

    Political attitudes are shifting on a national scale and locally. Although Harris won a majority of votes across the county, she received more than 120,000 fewer votes than Joe Biden did in 2020. Voter turnout was down overall in November, but Trump lost a fraction of the votes Democrats did between the elections. 

    In fact, Trump made gains, winning more votes and losing by smaller margins in some communities, according to a KPBS analysis of vote data from both years. 

    The KPBS analysis relied on maps created by consolidating precinct data received from the San Diego County Registrar of Voters. The maps only show votes for Democratic and Republican candidates, not third party candidates. 

    Among the communities with the most significant rightward shift is San Ysidro, whose residents are 90% Hispanic and live along the U.S.-Mexico border. Harris won a majority of votes there, too, but Trump gained about 13 percentage points compared to 2020. 

    Similarly in Chula Vista, where about 60% of residents are Hispanic, Trump gained about 7 percentage points, winning 41% of the vote in November. 

    Meanwhile, Democrats lost ground in Chula Vista and San Ysidro: Harris had 17,000 fewer votes than Biden in the communities combined.

    Political scientists say more research is needed to understand what that rightward shift means, but that San Ysidro and Chula Vista had particularly pronounced rightward shifts provides a clue. 

    “That could certainly be part of that national trend among conservative leaning Latinos to realign with the Republican Party,” said Casey Dominguez, a professor and department chair of political science and international relations at the University of San Diego.

    That “ideological sorting” could be driven by Latinos with more conservative views on a variety of issues, from immigration to the economy to abortion, Dominguez said. 

    Hector Gastelum, another Chula Vista resident, voted for Trump in all three general elections he ran in. Gastelum said he is a lifelong Republican, but has become more conservative as he’s gotten involved in politics. He thinks other Latinos will do the same. 

    “Most Latinos go to church. Most Latinos are conservative. But they’re not Republican yet,” said Gastelum, who was a member of a local water board and ran for mayor of Chula Vista in 2018. 

    Gastelum said the high cost of groceries, gas and housing under Biden have “punished regular citizens” and that the Latinos joining the Republican Party are “here to stay.” 

    “Republicans need to make sure they deliver on promises to keep Latinos long term,” Gastelum said. 

    Cuen, the owner of the feed and supply store on San Ysidro Boulevard, said Trump’s first term has already proven his success. 

    “All my taxes went down, all my customers making more money, all my customers spending more money because they had more,” Cuen said. 

    The biggest issue for Cuen in this election was immigration, but he thinks Trump will do a better job on foreign policy and the economy. 

    There are other explanations for Trump’s win and increased support for him locally, including the global “anti-incumbent” trend, Dominguez said. That movement is “elevating left-wing parties in places that had been governed by conservatives, and right-wing parties in places that had been governed by moderates and liberals,” she said.

    Thad Kousser, a political science professor at UC San Diego, puts emphasis on the idea that Trump’s win could be more due to Democratic voters not showing up to vote. Voter turnout overall was down in 2024 compared to 2020, when there was record turnout following the pandemic. 

    “The story of 2024 was demoralized Democrats,” Kousser said, including those who were “unenthusiastic” about the economy. 

    For Carlos Castro, a Chula Vista resident, it wasn’t the economy but U.S. support for Israel in the war in Gaza that convinced him not to vote for either candidate. In the 2020 election, Castro voted for then-Democratic candidate Joe Biden. This year, he wrote-in for Green Party candidate Jill Stein. 

    “With the recent news of how the Democrats have been handling, and how much of our tax money had been sent to Israel to this genocide, I just didn’t want to be part of that anymore,” Castro said. 

    That was also a top issue for Sebastian Martinez, a Chula Vista resident who does community service work, including with the food bank and unhoused people. He also didn’t vote for Trump or Harris.

    “On all the core issues that I do work in, Democrats have not shown up to the table on that, and it’s just frustrating to keep being a part of that cycle,” Martinez said.

    U.S. support for Israel drove a partisan divide nationally. Voters who said U.S. support for Israel is too strong were more likely to have voted for Harris, according to exit polls. Meanwhile, Trump voters made up most of those who said that support is not strong enough. 

    Arturo Castro, a resident of neighboring Bonita, where voting trends were similar to Chula Vista’s, voted for Harris because “she’s more honest.” He said his priority was “having someone who’s truthful in the White House and doesn’t embarrass the country with lies, makes up stories and isn’t accountable for his actions.” 

    Khristina Lambert, a National City resident who was with her toddler at a Chula Vista park on a recent afternoon, said she didn’t vote for president in November because she didn’t like either candidate. But now that Trump is leading the country for another four years, she’s bracing herself and her family. 

    “I just keep praying. Can’t do nothing but pray,” Lambert said. “You just gotta keep living. We done made it through Bush and everybody else. We can make it through him another term.” 

    As Lambert left the park that afternoon, she chased after her toddler through a grass field, barely keeping up. 

    “You win!” she said.

    Type of Content

    News: Based on facts, either observed and verified directly by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources.



    In the recent 2024 election, voters in Chula Vista and San Ysidro showed a noticeable shift towards the right. Traditionally seen as strongholds for liberal and progressive ideologies, these communities surprised many political analysts with their support for conservative candidates and policies.

    This shift in political alignment has sparked discussions and debates among residents, with some attributing it to changing demographics, economic concerns, and shifting cultural values. The increase in support for right-leaning candidates has also raised questions about the future direction of these communities and how they will address issues such as affordable housing, education, and healthcare.

    As Chula Vista and San Ysidro continue to evolve and grow, it will be interesting to see how this newfound political shift will impact local governance and community dynamics. Stay tuned for more updates on this developing story.

    Tags:

    Chula Vista, San Ysidro, 2024 election, political shift, conservative voters, California politics, voting trends, right-leaning voters, San Diego County, election analysis, political landscape, voting patterns, voting demographics.

    #Chula #Vista #San #Ysidro #voters #shifted

  • ‘Catastrophic’ education cuts could hit Trump voters



    Pineville, Kentucky
    CNN
     — 

    When the coal mines closed in Bell County, Kentucky, a community that once powered the nation was left forgotten, with few well-paying jobs or prospects. Many of its residents now live in poverty among empty storefronts and the stunning vistas of the Appalachian Mountains.

    It’s the sort of place where President-elect Donald Trump’s “America First” message resonated – but also where some of his proposed policies could hit hardest, especially his promise to eliminate the Department of Education and slash federal funds to public schools.

    Bell County’s school district typically receives 10% of its budget from federal dollars, though it has been higher in recent years due to Covid-19 relief funds. Even a slight reduction in those dollars could have devastating effects for students and their families, said Tom Gambrel, the district’s superintendent. It would mean teacher layoffs, bigger classroom sizes and less attention for their most vulnerable students.

    A CNN analysis found that all of the 15 states that relied most heavily on federal support for their public schools in 2022 voted for Trump, while all but two of the 15 states that received the least federal dollars as a percentage of their overall revenue voted for Vice President Kamala Harris.

    Gambrel, like most of Bell County, said he cast his ballot for Trump in November with his students in mind. “I don’t think that anyone in our county wants to cut our school funding. And I don’t think that anyone voted for that,” he said. Gambrel said he believes his vote won’t harm his students and hopes that Trump’s plans to cut federal education funding won’t come to pass.

    If it does, he said, it would be “catastrophic.”

    The schools in Bell County provide a lifeline to families in more ways than one. The district is one of the biggest employers in town and is one of the only places where parents can find after-school care. The schools are where kids come to stay warm and where they eat most of their meals. All of Gambrel’s students qualify for free breakfast and lunch and some go hungry if they don’t come to school.

    “I would be confident in saying that when they leave on Friday, they might not eat again until Monday,” he said, explaining his schools try to send home backpacks with food for struggling families to bridge the weekend days.

    Superintendent Tom Gambrel worked his way up from school custodian to leading the Bell County School District.

    Trump has not shared many details of his proposals, and some have suggested that even if the Department of Education is shut down, the federal funds it dispenses to local schools could be distributed by other agencies. In November, Trump tapped wrestling magnate Linda McMahon to lead the Education Department.

    But critics warn that Republicans have long proposed slashing federal education spending: In 2023 House Republicans faced heavy pushback when they proposed an 80% cut to Title I, a program that largely pays teacher salaries in low-income and underserved communities. Last year, they proposed a 25% cut to the same program. With a majority in both the House and Senate in the next administration, Republican-led policies are more likely to succeed – a daunting prospect for rural schools like those in Bell County.

    Gambrel said about 10% of his teachers are funded through Title I and Title II, another federal program, and losing that federal support would have significant implications.

    “It certainly wouldn’t allow us to have an adequate number of teachers in classrooms every day,” he said.

    While Trump’s plans for education during his second term lack specifics, many experts look to Project 2025 for more guidance. The more than 900-page “conservative promise” commissioned by the Heritage Foundation lays out a blueprint for the next Republican president to shape all corners of American society, including education.

    Project 2025’s education proposals include expanding school choice and turning federal funding, such as Title I and IDEA – which supports students with disabilities – into no-strings-attached block grants to states. Experts warn that could end up redirecting funds away from the marginalized communities they were intended for.

    “You notice a trend here: A lot of these proposals are impacting the most vulnerable students,” said Weadé James, senior director of education policy at the Center for American Progress, a liberal public policy research and advocacy group.

    No-strings-attached block grants remove federal oversight on how the funds are spent, allowing states to spend money that is now specifically intended for low-income or special needs students however they want, she explained. Uncertainty about how the funds would be distributed has created fear it would hurt the most vulnerable populations.

    “This is really just a pattern of making things worse for those who are already at the margins. And that’s concerning,” James said.

    An analysis by the Center for American Progress found that phasing out Title I funding – as described in Project 2025 – would eliminate nearly six percent of teachers nationwide, worsening the existing national teacher shortage and affecting the country’s most vulnerable student groups.

    The hardest-hit areas in that scenario would be those that overwhelmingly voted Republican in the last election.

    Though Trump distanced himself from Project 2025 on the campaign trail, one of his first decisions as president-elect was to tap Tom Homan, a Project 2025 author and the architect of Trump’s controversial family-separation policy in his first administration, as “border czar.” He also nominated key Project 2025 author, Russell Vought, to lead the Office of Management and Budget, in addition to about a half-dozen other high-profile jobs he’s given to people involved in the plan.

    At least 140 people who worked in the first Trump administration had a hand in Project 2025, according to a CNN review, including more than half of the people listed as authors, editors and contributors.

    A spokesman for Trump did not respond to CNN’s request for comment for this story.

    Some believe Trump’s rhetoric – including repeated promises to cut federal funding to schools with vaccine mandates – combined with proposals from congressional Republicans and Project 2025 will almost certainly mean cuts to federal education spending; others have gone so far as to prepare for budget cuts.

    The Kentucky Association of School Administrators sent out a spreadsheet to all superintendents in the state last month outlining what budget cuts could look like in their districts, in an effort to raise awareness among stakeholders and legislators. Some school districts, such as the one in Floyd County just north of Bell County, stand to lose millions of dollars if the GOP House proposal from last year went into effect. KASA’s projections for Gambrel’s district is a loss of around $600,000.

    “It would be easy just to look at this from the perspective of a loss of Title dollars and the impact on the schools, but at the end of the day, we’re harming children and families,” said Rhonda Caldwell, KASA’s CEO.

    Coal production in Bell County, KY, has declined dramatically over the years, sparking population loss and an economic downturn in the area.

    Still, other experts say fears that Trump’s proposal to end the Department of Education would lead to substantial spending cuts are overblown.

    “Getting rid of the Department of Ed does not mean necessarily ending the funding lines that go to states,” said Marguerite Roza, director of the Edunomics Lab, a research center focused on education finance policy at Georgetown University. She noted that the incoming chair of the Senate’s education committee, Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, is a moderate and could block attempts to end the Department of Education or cut Title I and other programs.

    Elon Musk, whom Trump has tasked to lead the newly formed Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) together with Vivek Ramaswamy, suggested eliminating the Department of Education in a social media post.

    In a Time Magazine interview in late November, Trump suggested sending responsibility for schools back to the states, allowing the federal government to “spend half the money on a much better product.”

    But state funding for public schools has at times been threatened too. A CNN investigation found that several public schools in Arizona were forced to close after the introduction of a school choice program that diverted taxpayer money from public to private schools. Similar programs have been enacted in more than 28 states.

    In November, conservative groups again pushed school choice programs on the ballot in a handful of states, including Kentucky, where every county voted against the proposal. Voters in Colorado and Nebraska also voted down school choice measures in their states.

    Bell County's elementary and middle school, Bell Central, called a snow day in early December.

    “If we start putting public money in private schools, they become public schools. I just don’t think that taxpayer money should be distributed to private schools,” said Gambrel, who voted against the measure in Kentucky.

    Despite voters’ dismissal of such programs, Trump said expanding school choice would be a top priority for his administration.

    “Linda will fight tirelessly to expand ‘Choice’ to every State in America,” Trump said in a statement announcing McMahon as his pick for education secretary at the end of November.

    For many parents in rural counties – like most of Kentucky, including Bell County – school choice is a false choice as private schools are few and far between in their communities.

    “This is one of these cases where (Republican) policies are stabbing their base right in the heart and will directly impact their kids,” said Will Ragland, vice president of the Center for American Progress.

    Bell County’s schools aren’t just a place where kids come to learn how to read and write. The schools strive to provide children – a third of whom live in poverty – with anything they need to help remove barriers to their education.

    “If they don’t have clean clothes,” said Jennifer Blankenship, principal of the elementary and middle schools, “we have a washer and dryer here and we have offered families to bring their clothes, and we will wash them for them.”

    Every school has a family resource center where children can get anything from clothes to toothbrushes and shampoo to school supplies. The center – which is funded in part by state resources and local donations – “is of the utmost importance in our community,” said Blankenship.

    When Gambrel – who worked his way up from school custodian to bus driver, coach, teacher, administrator to superintendent of the school district – attended Bell County High School in the 1980s, the school counted around 1,400 students. Today, just over 600 high schoolers walk the beige halls lined with bright blue lockers.

    The population decline has a direct impact on funding for the school district, as most state and federal funds are based on the number of students.

    But when the money goes away, the “teachers’ jobs don’t stop,” Blankenship said.

    Elementary and middle school principal Jennifer Blankenship delivers daily morning announcements to her students and staff at Bell Central.

    The share of Bell County’s revenue made up of federal dollars increased to about 30% in recent years due to Covid-19 relief funds approved by Trump and President Joe Biden. These funds are set to expire in 2025 which will drop the federal contribution to Bell County’s revenue back down to roughly 10%. While that may not seem like a lot, for schools that need to watch every dollar, 10% means either being able to retain, or having to lay off, some teachers.

    Federal investment in K-12 education has been decreasing over time, explained Noelle Ellerson Ng, associate executive director of AASA, The School Superintendents Association.

    When adjusted for inflation, Ellerson said, the federal government is paying less per high school senior today than it was when those seniors were in kindergarten thirteen years ago.

    This means that for years, Gambrel and his staff have had to do more with less.

    Most federal programs for public schools are meant to level the playing field for students, providing a monetary boost to communities with high needs but a small tax base due to low incomes, low property values or limited tax revenue from businesses.

    In addition to the county’s high poverty rate, a raging opioid crisis has wreaked havoc on families in the community, Gambrel said. On top of that, he added, nearly 20% of students in the district have special needs. “And the supports are not there,” he said.

    Gambrel said the looming budget cuts and concern for his students and staff keep him up at night.

    “Every time that we get a cut,” he said, “we’re going to have to change something, we’re going to have to provide less for our students.”



    As the new school year approaches, many communities across the country are bracing for potentially catastrophic education cuts that could have a devastating impact on students and families. And unfortunately, the brunt of these cuts could fall heavily on the very voters who helped put President Trump in office.

    With the economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic wreaking havoc on state and local budgets, many school districts are facing massive funding shortfalls that could result in teacher layoffs, larger class sizes, and cuts to essential programs and services. For many low-income and rural communities, already struggling to provide a quality education for their children, these cuts could be a crippling blow.

    What’s particularly concerning is that many of these communities are home to Trump supporters who believed the President’s promises to prioritize education and support working-class families. But now, as the reality of these devastating cuts sets in, it’s becoming clear that those promises may have been empty.

    As educators, parents, and concerned citizens, we must speak out against these cuts and fight for our children’s right to a quality education. We cannot let our most vulnerable students bear the brunt of budget shortfalls while the wealthiest among us continue to prosper. It’s time to hold our elected officials accountable and demand that they prioritize education funding for all students, regardless of their zip code or political affiliation. The future of our nation depends on it.

    Tags:

    education cuts, Trump voters, catastrophic cuts, impact of cuts, education funding, public schools, school budget, education system, political decisions, budget cuts, education reform, economic impact, government funding

    #Catastrophic #education #cuts #hit #Trump #voters

  • Low-income Trump voters worry he’ll cut benefits they rely on

    Low-income Trump voters worry he’ll cut benefits they rely on


    From low-income voters who supported Donald Trump last month, a plea to the president-elect: don’t cut our benefits.

    Trump has frequently made grand promises to protect Social Security, Medicare and other benefits. But with a growing list of billionaires on his cabinet, a vow to quell spending and a slim Republican coalition in Congress consisting of some anti-spending hawks, his voters aren’t so sure.

    Pennsylvania Trump voter Lori Mosura described the billionaire as “more attuned to the needs of everyone instead of just the rich” in an interview with the Washington Post. She lives below the poverty line, receiving $1,200 a month in food stamps and Social Security benefits.

    But she has a message for Trump.

    “We helped get you in office; please take care of us,” Mosura said, shifting the conversation as though she were speaking to Trump. “Please don’t cut the things that help the most vulnerable.”

    Trump has enlisted billionaires Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy to plot massive government spending cuts, a feat which almost certainly requires cuts to Social Security and Medicare, experts say. Trump allies have signaled support for gutting the safety nets, which account for nearly half of the federal budget.

    Some Trump voters who rely on benefits, like Steve Tillia, who receives $1900 in social security and food stamp payments, are more optimistic about cuts to the departments that help them make ends meet.

    “It’s not cutting government programs, it’s cutting the amount of people needed to run a program,” Tillia told the Post. “They are cutting staff, which could actually increase the amount of the programs that we get.”

    Meanwhile, local Republican officials are begging the incoming Trump administration to leave benefits alone. New Castle City Administrator Chris Frye told the Post he expected some benefits tweaks at a federal level, but hoped they wouldn’t be catastrophic.

    “I think it would be stupid to just take something away… we would have mass chaos. Mass homelessness,” Frye told the Post. “Nationally, I don’t think it is going to be a situation where they are taking away from people.”



    As the 2020 election approaches, many low-income Trump voters are expressing concern about the possibility of President Trump cutting benefits that they rely on to make ends meet. With the economy struggling due to the ongoing pandemic, these benefits have become even more crucial for families struggling to pay for basic necessities such as food, housing, and healthcare.

    Many low-income Trump supporters have traditionally been drawn to the president’s promises of job creation and economic prosperity. However, as the economic downturn continues to impact their livelihoods, they fear that Trump may prioritize cutting government spending over supporting those in need.

    These concerns have been further exacerbated by Trump’s recent executive actions targeting federal assistance programs, such as unemployment benefits and food assistance. While the president has argued that these measures are necessary to stimulate economic growth, many low-income voters worry that they will be left behind in the process.

    As the November election approaches, these voters are faced with a difficult decision: whether to continue supporting a president who they believe has their best interests at heart, or to seek out alternative candidates who may better prioritize their needs. Regardless of their choice, it is clear that the impact of Trump’s policies on low-income Americans will be a key issue in the upcoming election.

    Tags:

    1. Low-income Trump voters
    2. Benefits cut
    3. Trump administration
    4. Social welfare programs
    5. Income inequality
    6. Economic concerns
    7. Government assistance
    8. Political impact
    9. Working class voters
    10. Social security concerns

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